Since 1992, NDI has conducted programs with reform-oriented political parties and elected officials in Kyiv and in regions throughout the country. NDI has also provided support to the Committee of Voters of Ukraine (CVU), a nonpartisan monitoring group established in 1994. Originally formed from student, human rights, and labor union activists, CVU fielded 4,000 monitors in oblasts throughout Ukraine during the 1994 elections. Since then, the Committee has worked to promote government accountability and popular political participation. For the upcoming parliamentary elections, CVU is recruiting, training and deploying 15,000 pollwatchers. The Committee plans to issue a comprehensive report analyzing the election process.

NDI programs in Ukraine have been funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development and the National Endowment for Democracy.

This report is divided into four sections. The introduction provides an analysis of Ukraine's last parliamentary elections and explains the significance of the 1998 round. A second section on the electoral framework examines the fundamentals of the national and local election laws and the political environment in the pre-election period. The third section describes each of the parties or blocs competing in the elections, based on information available at the time of publication of this document. The fourth section lists the names of the competing parties, along with their symbols, in the order that they will appear on the ballot.

I. INTRODUCTION
When the citizens of Ukraine turn again to the ballot box to elect a new parliament on March 29, the stakes will be high—for Ukraine and the international community alike. With more than 50 million people, Ukraine borders seven European countries, including Russia and two new NATO members. Four years after the last parliamentary elections, the March 1998 polls are still about the direction of the country's political future.

Assessments of the state of democratization must look beyond merely who wins and who loses. Elections, in Ukraine and elsewhere, are nationwide events that help galvanize political parties, civic groups and individual citizens to organize, to advocate, to choose, to think about the kind of country they would like to live in. An election provides an opportunity to take stock of many elements of a political system, including its press, political parties, unions, courts and, most important, the involvement of its citizens.

For democratization to advance, the upcoming elections must be much better than they were in 1994. Those elections occurred at a time of hyperinflation, soaring unemployment, unpaid back wages, and a contracting economy. Voters in the eastern part of Ukraine sought closer cooperation with Moscow, arguing that Russian be kept as the official language and that the two countries' economies and political structures be integrated. Voters in western Ukraine that had only been incorporated in the aftermath of World War II wanted the country to build western political and economic systems. In Crimea, a secessionist movement used the 1994 elections to set the stage for a divisive referendum on rejoining Russia. In this highly charged atmosphere, it was uncertain whether Ukraine could or would survive its first competitive elections.

Although international observers declared the voting acceptable, a close examination of their reservations confirms that there were significant problems. Election-day violations ranged from outright theft of ballot boxes and monitors barred from observing the count on election night, to intimidation of voters, ballot security violations and individuals voting 20 times. Well before election day, however, more systemic problems were at work. Access to the media and other campaign resources was dominated by former officials whose influence in many regions was preserved by written and unwritten rules of the electoral game.

Adopted by a Soviet-era parliament elected before independence, the majoritarian electoral system in 1994 set more stringent requirements for party sponsored candidates than for independents. Nearly 6,000 candidates ran for the 450 seats in the Verkhovna Rada (parliament)—a significant majority of whom registered as independents. The effect was to undermine Ukraine's democratic political parties in favor of "independents" closely affiliated with the Communist, Socialist and Agrarian parties that now dominate the Rada.

An immature, fractured political party landscape in Ukraine contributed to the outcome of the 1994 elections. Most of the competing parties failed to recognize that Ukrainians had emerged from the euphoria of independence with their confidence shaken and were desperately looking for elected officials to provide solutions to their economic woes. The rhetoric of independence simply did not address their fears. Moreover, the reform parties split the narrow base of support they shared.

Working with a slim majority of reform and so-called "party of power" deputies, President Leonid Kuchma has successfully negotiated through the land mines of relations with Russia and the constitutional crises in the intervening years. Ukraine's first post-Soviet constitution was adopted in 1996 and a new election law was passed in 1997. But the absence of coherent parties within parliament has stalled the critical economic reform and anti-corruption initiatives Ukraine must pursue.

Four years later, the economic slide continues, corruption is pervasive, and with 30 parties on the ballot, the political scene remains fragmented. Many observers are predicting that the Communist and Socialist parties will regain a majority in the March 29 elections. Yet the new election law has already begun to encourage the initial stages of party consolidation, particularly among reform-oriented groups. This consolidation may not be completed in time for the upcoming elections; broad coalitions will be essential in order for the reformers to prevail in the years to come. Nonetheless, a 4 percent electoral threshold will help sift out marginal parties, and half of the seats in the Rada will be awarded solely on the basis of performance on a party list ballot. The prospect for significant gains by the democrats is real.

The democratic value of the election process can also be viewed in other aspects of the process. One is whether the candidates and local functionaries will abide by the law better than in 1994. Another is the conduct of the press and others in clarifying choices being presented to the electorate. Most important is the interest of ordinary Ukrainians to assume a greater role in safeguarding the integrity of the polls. Such election monitoring reduces the possibility of fraud on election day and strengthens institutions and habits of personal responsibility essential to the sustainability of a democratic political system.

This process is currently unfolding. A Ukrainian civic organization, The Committee of Voters of Ukraine (CVU), is recruiting 15,000 volunteers—most of them students and young people—in every oblast to monitor the upcoming elections. In addition to training and deploying monitors in every electoral district, CVU volunteers have mounted a nationwide voter education campaign, including candidate debates, issue forums and informational meetings on new balloting procedures. These small but important steps demonstrate that citizen activism and political participation can thrive in Ukraine and that through these efforts average Ukrainians can help build the traditions and practices necessary for democracy to advance there.

Ukraine's electoral season provides an opportunity to assess the state of democratization in various ways. Election day, while important, ought not be mistaken for democracy itself. The process in its entirety should be examined for how it enables Ukrainians to build on the successes to date and expand them to assure a democratic future for this important country.

II. ELECTORAL FRAMEWORK
On March 29, 1998, the citizens of Ukraine will go to the polls to elect deputies to Ukraine's parliament for the second time since the country's independence in 1991. The first post-independence elections were held in 1994. The elections of 1998 will be the first held under a new law providing for a mixed electoral system of proportional and majoritarian representation. Replacing the wholly majoritarian system, the new law provides for the election of half of the Rada's deputies from single-mandate and half from multi-mandate (national) party lists. The inclusion of proportional party list voting is expected to encourage party affiliation and enable political parties to play a more significant role in Ukraine in the years to come. The elections will also serve as a prelude to the presidential election currently scheduled for October 1999.

The Ukrainian Constitution
The Ukrainian Constitution, adopted in June 1996, guarantees the right to vote to all persons 18 years of age and older.

The constitution established a 450-member unicameral legislature, officially called the Supreme Rada of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada). Deputies of the Rada serve four-year terms, and elections are to take place on the last Sunday of March every fourth year. To serve as a deputy, a person must be a citizen of Ukraine, at least 21 years old, eligible to vote and a resident of Ukraine for the previous five years.

There is no limit on the number of terms a person may serve as deputy. Deputies may not hold more than one elected office or hold another position of state service. Any citizen convicted of a premeditated criminal offense cannot serve. However, once elected, deputies may not be detained, arrested, or held criminally liable without the consent of the Rada.

The president of Ukraine serves a five-year term, and the same person may not serve more than two consecutive terms. The president appoints the prime minister with the consent of the Rada and may dismiss the prime minister.

Fundamentals of the Election Law
The federal election law was signed by President Kuchma on October 23, 1997. Under the law, voters will cast separate multi-mandate ballots, listing the party and the top five names on the party list, and single-mandate ballots, listing the names of the candidates and their party affiliations (if the candidates are party-affiliated). In the multi-mandate election, voters cast their ballots for the party as a whole. Voters have a "Do Not Support Any . . ." option on all ballots.

Candidates may run on both the multi-mandate party list and in a single-mandate district but if elected to both are entitled only to the single-mandate seat. Although the Constitutional Court in early March declared unconstitutional the provision allowing candidates to stand for both single- and multi-mandate seats, it has been allowed to stand for these elections. There is no district residency requirement for a candidate to stand for election in a single-mandate district.

Local Elections
Local elections will also be held on March 29. The local election law was enacted on January 14, 1998. The delays in passing this law caused a great deal of frustration among prospective candidates for local offices. Nomination and registration, redistricting, decisions on the number of seats in local Radas, and other major issues could not be addressed until the law was passed.

Elections of members to city, village, and neighborhood Radas are to be conducted through a single-mandate system. Elections to oblast (province) and rayon (county) Radas are to be conducted through a form of the mixed system. Executives (mayors and heads of rayons, for example) are elected by plurality.

The local election law allows local parties to organize and register. It does not limit participation in local elections to the parties that are qualified to compete in the national elections. Individuals may nominate themselves as candidates for local offices (with minimal signature requirements depending on district size), and workers collectives and small groups of citizens also may jointly nominate a candidate.

Residency requirements do exist in the local election law and are somewhat more strict for candidates for mayor and other executive offices than for single-mandate candidates.

The law allows the number of seats in local Radas to change, and this decision is left up to the current local Rada. There are general guidelines based on population figures to determine the total number of members, but the guidelines are very broad and allow for a great deal of leeway. Local election commissions are responsible for redistricting. The law requires only that the commissions apportion population with "roughly equal numbers of voters per district."

Separate election laws were to have been enacted by the Verkhovna Rada for Kyiv and Sevastopol. These cities are considered "cities of republican importance" and given special status—Kyiv, because it is the capital city, and Sevastopol, because it has a militarily sensitive status as site of the Russian and Ukrainian fleets. The Rada failed to act on the law for Sevastopol and the city is proceeding under the general local election law. In the case of Kyiv, the initial failure of the Rada to act was constitutionally challenged by 47 Rada deputies led by Roman Bessmertniy, the President's parliamentary liaison. His challenge asked the Constitutional Court to direct the Rada to pass an election law for Kyiv. In early March, President Kuchma consequently vetoed the law passed by the Rada, making it likely that the local election law will also govern Kyiv's elections. Of the 16 declared candidates for mayor of Kyiv, a number are also well-known candidates for multi- and single-mandate seats: Serhiy Holovatiy, former Minister of Justice and current president of the Ukrainian Legal Foundation; Mykhailo Pozhivanov, mayor of Mariupol (Donetsk oblast); Yaroslav Fedorin, chair of Rukh in Kyiv; and Leonid Kosakivskiy, current mayor of Kyiv.

A separate law was also enacted for the elections in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. With more autonomy than Radas of other oblasts, as well as its own Cabinet of Ministers, the Crimean Rada asked that the Verkhovna Rada exempt it from the March 29 elections, preferring a delay. The Verkhovna Rada denied this request in late February.

There is a vague provision in the law stating that local media partially funded by the state must provide candidates with "equal opportunity" to address voters. This would imply a small amount of publicity provided at state expense. There is also a provision directing local election commissions to provide small amounts of printed materials (with candidates providing the text) for local candidates, as well as a place for them to post their printed materials.

Multi-mandate Elections
Currently, there are at least 50 political parties registered with the Ministry of Justice. Several of these parties have formed electoral blocs for the elections. A party may be a member of only one bloc. Thirty parties or electoral blocs have met the registration requirements for the March 29 Rada elections (see below) and will appear on the ballot. The Central Election Commission (CEC) has listed the parties in order determined by random lottery. Parties and blocs are advertising their assigned number to assist the voter in finding their name on the ballot. (Note: In this summary, the use of the term "party" will refer both to parties and to electoral blocs of parties.)

Parties must obtain a minimum of 4 percent of the total votes cast in the multi-mandate elections in order to obtain seats in the Rada under the party list system. A Constitutional Court ruling on the election law in March upheld the 4 percent threshold. The seats will be distributed through a method of proportional representation, whereby the total number of votes cast for parties reaching the threshold is divided by 225, which results in an "electoral quota," or the number of votes necessary to obtain one seat in the Rada. Each party's vote total is then divided by the electoral quota to determine the number of seats to be allotted to the party. Votes cast for parties that do not obtain the 4 percent threshold are not calculated into the proportional representation method of distribution.

Each party has nominated a list of candidates who have been chosen at party conferences. Up to 225 names can be nominated by each party. The names are listed in ranked order, although only the top five names will appear on the ballot. The order of the candidate list is determined by the political party and cannot be changed after the list has been submitted. The number of seats allotted to a party will determine the number of candidates on its list who are seated as new deputies—that is, if a party is allotted a total of 10 seats, the first 10 candidates on that party's list will be seated. A total of 3,605 names were submitted by the 30 registered parties (not all parties submitted the maximum number allowed). Of the 3,605 names submitted, 306 are incumbent parliamentary deputies. The Communist Party is fielding the largest number of incumbents (47). Well-known entertainers have been nominated by several parties (Rukh's list contains 11 such people, the highest number from any one party). Women account for 11 percent of the candidates nominated. The single most common occupation of candidates is "Director of Large Enterprise" (505 people, or 14 percent of the names submitted).

Single-mandate Elections
The Central Election Commission has reapportioned the single-mandate districts of 1994 and assigned numbers to each. District lines have been changed dramatically and districts themselves have doubled in size since 1994, with each now containing approximately 170,000 voters. The law allows a 10 percent variation in population between districts. Since 1994, there has also been a shift of population from west to east, resulting in lost seats in several western oblasts and new seats in the east. With the base of leftist strength in eastern Ukraine, this shift in seats is seen as a marginal benefit for leftist parties.

In 1994, the law required 50 percent of all eligible voters in a single district to vote in order to validate the elections. This requirement caused many repeat elections and ultimately resulted in large numbers of districts left without representation. The current law contains no voter turnout threshold requirements. The candidate who receives the largest plurality wins the election, provided that the candidate receives more votes than the "Do Not Support Any . . ." option. It is expected that some district seats will be contested by as many as 20 candidates, raising the possibility that the elections could be decided by a relatively small plurality.

A total of 4,231 party affiliated and independent candidates are registered nationwide for single-mandate elections, of which 2,379 are party or bloc nominees and 1,812 are unaffiliated or independent. A total of 1,345 candidates are running simultaneously in single-mandate and multi-mandate races. Eight parties have each registered more than 100 candidates in single-mandate districts: Hromada is first with 199, Rukh with 191, the Communists with 173, the National Front with 152, and the Social Democrats (United) with 118. An electoral district in the city of Kyiv has the most candidates registered in a single district, with 38. On average, eight candidates are running in each.

Registration of Parties and Candidates
Nominations for election to the Rada may be generated by individual citizens, political parties, organized groups of voters, and workers' collectives.

Parties were required to collect 200,000 signatures to qualify for the multi-mandate elections and submit them to the CEC 100 days before the elections. Of the 200,000 signatures, 10,000 were required to come from each of 14 oblasts (for a total of 140,000), while the remaining 60,000 could come from anywhere in Ukraine. This requirement was intended to limit the number of regionally based parties that qualified for the ballot. Parties were also required to pay a registration fee of approximately $8,500, which will be refunded to those parties reaching the 4 percent threshold for distribution of seats. Parties that do not reach the threshold forfeit these funds to the CEC.

Single-mandate candidates nominated by a political party were registered by submitting the minutes of the party meeting or conference at which they were selected. Parties may nominate only one candidate per district. Independent candidates were required to collect 1,500 signatures from voters in their district. There was no registration fee required of single-mandate candidates. Registration of single-mandate candidates ended 45 days before election day.

Publicity and Mass Media
The CEC published a list of media outlets funded in part by the state. This list includes one major national TV station, one major national radio station, and two national newspapers. Publicity in these media outlets is provided at state expense to candidates and parties.

The CEC provides parties with the following publicity: the printing of a pre-election poster, with five copies to be posted at each polling station; space in the two national newspapers for publication of the party's program (text provided by the party and limited to 7,800 characters); air time on the national radio and TV stations; and access to state buildings to conduct meetings. The CEC published the broadcast and print schedule for each party, and provided 20 minutes of television time and 30 minutes of radio time to each party. Each party is allotted equal time in broadcasts aired between 7 a.m. and 11 p.m.

The CEC provides single-mandate candidates with the printing of 2,000 pre-election posters to be placed at the polling stations and the remainder provided to the candidate for the candidate's use (text provided by the candidate and limited to 3,900 characters), space in state-funded local periodicals to publish their election program (up to 3,900 characters), and air time on state-funded local radio and television stations.

Parties and candidates are allowed to buy as much private media time as they can afford, with the proviso that each party or candidate is charged the same amount of money for the time purchased. Campaigning in any form on election day is prohibited.

Representatives of the mass media are guaranteed free access to all events connected with elections, except internal party or candidate meetings. Publishing results of surveys or polls from any source is prohibited from 15 days before the elections.

Campaign Financing
The Central Election Commission has budgeted 248 million hryvna (about $124 million) for the elections. With the exception of the services provided and paid for by the CEC (see above), however, parties and candidates are solely responsible for financing their own campaigns. There are no spending or contribution limits and no restrictions on how candidates may spend their personal funds. Contributions from government agencies, foreign entities or individuals, or anonymous persons are prohibited.

Parties and candidates must open bank accounts and provide information on these accounts to the CEC. This information is also provided to the press. Through the bank, the CEC has access to information regarding the amount and source of contributions. No later than seven days before the elections, the party or candidate must submit to the CEC a financial report on the sources of contributed funds. This information is to be made available to the press no later than two days before the elections. The use of money in these accounts for anything other than campaign purposes is prohibited.

Candidate Benefits
Under the election law, candidates are prohibited from working at their place of employment during the election campaign and are provided unpaid vacation during this time. In its March ruling on the constitutionality of the election law, however, the Constitutional Court declared that this prohibition would not apply until the next election campaign. Candidates are paid a salary from state funds for the three months preceding the elections. Candidates receive the average national salary (calculated by the CEC) or an income equal to what they were receiving during the three months before registering for the elections. In no case may the salary exceed that of a Rada deputy (approximately $150 per month).

Candidates are provided free transportation (with the exception of taxis) within their districts from the time of their registration as candidates until the publication of the election results. A candidate may not be conscripted for military service during this time. While the election law provided candidates immunity from criminal proceedings or administrative prosecution, the Constitutional Court overturned this provision in March. Incumbents are forbidden to use any staff during working hours or governmental resources for their campaigns.

Voting Procedures
Polling stations will be open from 7 a.m. to 10 p.m. on March 29, 1998. Lists of eligible voters are compiled for each polling station by local executive bodies. Voters must produce proof of identity and sign their name on the voter list.

Voters receive separate ballots of different colors for the multi-mandate, single-mandate, and local elections. Voters will receive as many as six ballots in some areas, including the 10-page party list ballot. Ballots in both the multi-mandate and single-mandate elections will list each candidate's date of birth, occupation, workplace and residence. Voting is affirmative, with voters placing a "plus" (+) sign or another indicator next to their choice. An adequate number of booths or rooms should be provided to ensure a secret ballot. Voters are to remain on the polling station premises only for the time necessary to vote.

Disabled persons may request assistance from another citizen of their choice in marking their ballots. Voters who cannot come to the polls for health reasons may vote at home. In this instance, no fewer than three polling station judges will go to the voter's home and oversee the voting process. The request to vote at home must be made no fewer than three days before election day.

Election monitors must be accredited by the CEC. Once given credentials, they have the right to be present at the polling station during voting and during the tabulation of votes, as well as the right to take photographs and make both videotapes and audiotapes. Election monitors are ensured access to voter lists and ballots. Monitors will represent three basic groups: international monitors, nonpartisan or civic monitors, and partisan monitors (representing candidates or parties).

Nonpartisan monitors will be provided by the Committee of Voters of Ukraine, NDI's partner organization, which expects to place thousands of monitors in polling stations across the nation. Many of the parties and candidates are also planning to provide their own pollwatchers. There is widespread concern about anticipated ballot fraud.

After the polling station closes, the polling station commission will determine the number of persons who received ballots and the number of ballots deemed void. Ballots are void if they are not signed by a polling station commissioner, are unmarked or marked with multiple options, or are marked so that the voter's choice cannot be identified. The commissioners will then calculate the number of votes cast for each party or candidate before packaging the ballots in separate envelopes for each party or candidate. Polling station commissioners then compile minutes to document the essential information on the results. Three copies of the minutes are signed by each of the commissioners. The original copy is sent immediately to the CEC along with the ballots. The second copy is kept by the secretary of the polling station, and the third is posted at the polling station site as public information.

The Pre-election Environment
The campaign of 1998 has been compressed due to delays in the passage of key election laws. Although the national election law was passed in October, several pieces of enabling legislation were not passed until weeks or even months later. The law on local elections only became final on January 14, 1998. Added to these delays was the uncertainty created by the Constitutional Court's review of the election law, begun in late January. On February 27, the Court declared unconstitutional 21 provisions of the law, while allowing key provisions to stand until the next election cycle.

The Presidential Election of 1999
With only 18 months separating the parliamentary and the presidential elections, the March 29 parliamentary polls are widely seen as the proving ground for the 1999 presidential contest. Throughout the campaign, the national media has focused on likely presidential candidates. President Kuchma; Serhiy Holovatiy, former Justice Minister and leader of the Forward Ukraine bloc; and former Prime Minster Yevhen Marchuk, now associated with the Social Democratic Party (United), have all declared their candidacies. Olexandr Moroz, parliamentary speaker and Socialist Party leader, and Rukh leader Vyacheslav Chornovil are also expected to run.

Public Attitudes
Voter cynicism and apathy represent a major challenge for all parties contesting the elections. A February poll by Socis-Gallup and the Democratic Initiatives Foundation concluded that only 23 percent of Ukrainians believe the elections will improve the country, nearly a 10 percent drop from the pre-electoral period in 1994. Citing lack of confidence in all the candidates, nearly 40 percent of respondents in the February poll said they plan to stay home on election day.

Between six and 10 parties are predicted to overcome the 4 percent threshold. A March poll by Socis-Gallup and the Democratic Initiatives Foundation indicated the greatest nationwide support for the Communist Party, at 13.9 percent. The Green Party jumped to 6.3 percent from 2.5 percent earlier in the year. Rukh, the Social Democratic Party (United), and the Socialist-Peasant Party bloc should also meet the 4 percent threshold, while Hromada (Community), the Progressive Socialists, Reforms and Order, the People's Democratic Party, and Forward Ukraine are running just below the 4 percent mark. Of those who intend to vote, 33 percent have told pollsters they are undecided.

In recent weeks, polls show an increase in the percentage of voters who know the date of the elections and who are aware that a party list ballot will accompany ballots for single-mandate districts and local races. As of mid-March, voter turnout is anticipated at 65 percent.

The Media
In the months leading up to the elections, Ukrainian newspapers have provided readers with details on the parties, personalities, and scandals. Still, there has been little substance in their pages, and the opinions of Ukrainian journalists coincide all too often with those who can afford to pay them the most.

As in 1994, but not to the same degree, the campaign now underway also indicates that the state maintains considerable influence over Ukrainian politics, including the media. The international monitoring mission led by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) criticized the Ministry of Information's suspension of a newspaper that supports Hromada and its leader, former prime minister Pavlo Lazarenko, known for his opposition to the government. Calling the suspension "highly disturbing," the OSCE urged that "respect for freedom of the press should still be maintained" during the campaign.

Television viewers have also been inundated with election coverage. In accordance with the election law, regional television stations have begun to provide five-minute segments of free air time to parliamentary candidates. With stations charging between $500 and $1,000 per minute for air time, the amount of free time (several hours every evening) devoted to candidates' speeches is significant. Political advertisements have aired with greater frequency in the last several weeks. Typically they take the form of 15- or 30-second spots, with the name of the party and its leading candidates flashed on the screen along with the number indicating the order in which the party appears on the ballot.

Despite their allotted five minutes of air time, political parties and candidates alike have complained about the lack of equal access to television coverage. Nonpartisan groups have lodged similar complaints. The Ukrainian Media Club (an independent organization of journalists) reported on March 11 that its program "Your Choice," slated to air on state television station in the weeks before the elections, would not be broadcast as planned. Although a parliamentary resolution in favor of airing the program passed by more than two-thirds, the Ministry of Information has since stated that the program violates the television and radio broadcasting law. "Your Choice" was designed to present a nonpartisan view of the political parties contesting the elections.

For its part, CVU has produced public service announcements on voting procedures that continue to air on two national channels and on local television stations in 10 regions in the weeks before the elections.

The Party Landscape
Up to 50 percent of the vote is expected to be cast for so-called centrist parties. Because of the large number of parties competing in this group—this report counts 17—many votes will be cast for parties that fail to cross the 4 percent threshold. With only one round of voting (in contrast to 1994), those parties with original messages, distinctive advertising, or enough money to afford extensive media coverage have the advantage.

Parties' fears of not reaching the threshold together with concern over voter apathy have spurred some parties to work together. Although there has been little cooperation between parties on a national basis, a number of parties and blocs are coordinating nominations of single-mandate candidates in the regions to ensure that their parties will be represented at the district level in the new parliament. In Uzhorod, the Social Democratic Party (United), the People's Democratic Party (PDP), and Rukh have agreed to coordinate their nominated candidates in single-mandate districts, while in Lviv oblast Rukh and the PDP formed the "Our City" election bloc, dividing between them nominations for the region's 90 electoral districts. In Sumy, 17 parties of national democratic, right-wing, and centrist orientation have come together in the "Elections '98" election bloc to counter leftist forces in the region. Leftist parties are also trying to consolidate their already strong support in some areas. The Communist and Socialist parties are coordinating their nominations in Kirovohrad, where Hromada is especially strong.

III. PARTIES AND ELECTORAL BLOCS
This section provides a snapshot of the blocs and political parties contesting Ukraine's March 29 elections. These political parties and blocs have been divided into three groups: the so-called left, center, and right. Leftist parties tend to want to halt or reverse economic reform, and strengthen Ukraine's ties to Russia and weaken those with the West. Centrist parties cover a wide spectrum of orientations, but share an interest in economic reform and some measure of integration with the West. Rightist parties are generally strong supporters of Ukrainian nationalism, want a strengthened role for the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, and oppose close relations with Russia.

Within each category, parties and blocs have been listed in order of their likelihood, based on public opinion polls, to cross the 4 percent threshold. Numbers in parentheses following the name of the party or bloc indicate the order in which the party or bloc will appear on the ballot. Profiles of each party or bloc include the first five names on the proportional list, the same five that will be included on the ballot on election day.

The Left

• Communists
• Socialist-Peasant Bloc
• Social Democratic Party (United)
• Progressive Socialist Party
• Social Democratic Party Union
• Trudova Ukraina (Working Ukraine)
• All-Ukrainian Party of Workers
• Party of Spiritual, Economic and Social Progress of Ukraine
• Motherland Defenders

The Center

• Rukh
• People's Democratic Party
• Hromada
• The Green Party
• Reforms and Order
• The Agrarian Party
• Labor and Liberal Parties Bloc
• Forward Ukraine
• Bloc of Democratic Parties - NEP
• Socio-Liberal Union (SLON)
• The Christian Democratic Party of Ukraine
• The Republican Christian Party
• National and Economic Development of Ukraine
• All-Ukrainian Party of Women's Initiatives
• Regional Revival of Ukraine
• European Choice of Ukraine
• Muslim Party

The Right

• National Front
• Ukrainian National Assembly
• Less Words

THE LEFT

Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) (#11)
The Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) was legalized by Ukraine's courts in October 1993, after being banned in 1991. At the party's first congress, Petro Symonenko was elected first secretary of the Central Committee. The party regained a sizable part of its previous membership, mostly former oblast and rayon secretaries, and quickly reestablished its regional structures.

In the elections of 1994, the Communists won the largest number of seats (89) and formed the largest faction in the Verkhovna Rada. The party often coordinated with other leftist forces, acting as a "united left front" with the Socialist and Peasant parties, in particular. The party leadership attempted to modernize the party's ideology and agenda, advocating a multiparty system and the legalization of various forms of property. This caused conflict within the party, however, which was reflected in periodic splits in the faction, especially in the vote for the Constitution in 1996, when a quarter of the Rada's Communist deputies voted in its favor.

Program
The CPU's manifesto, published in December 1997, calls for the restoration of the Soviet Union and a Russia-Belarus-Ukraine union and accuses President Kuchma of provoking political and economic collapse and transforming the country into a puppet of NATO and Western financial institutions. The manifesto advocates a change in the political course of Ukraine—amending the constitution and returning power to soviets (workers' councils); the reversal of privatization and the nationalization of industries, the banking system, and private property; and halting the "colonization" of Ukraine by Western capital.

Campaign
The Communist Party has a developed network throughout Ukraine, with party organizations in almost every rayon. Its base of support, however, is mainly in the large industrial regions in the Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Odessa oblasts and in the autonomous republic of Crimea. In the west of the country, where nationalist feelings are stronger, the party is not regarded very seriously. CPU Chairman Symonenko recognized this during visits to Lviv oblast in February, when protesters surrounded him on several occasions.

In general, the party has targeted its appeal to pensioners and workers, especially those who are owed months of back wages. With pensioners making up more than a quarter of Ukraine's population, their support underlies much of the CPU's popularity. The average age of CPU members is more than 55.

The Communist Party lacks charismatic leadership. Perhaps realizing this, the CPU capitalized on its name recognition and sought to address the general concerns of the electorate, while focusing less on its chairman's ability to lead.

According to some polls, the Communists are supported by 17 percent of the population, while more recent polls cite just 12 percent.

Party List and Leadership
The party has nominated 225 candidates (the maximum) for the proportional list as well as 211 single-mandate candidates, more than any other party. Candidates come from the CPU's traditional bases of support and are typically industrial workers and engineers. Approximately 30 party list candidates are businessmen, most of them chairs of joint-stock companies. The list includes Petro Symonenko, first secretary of the CPU Central Committee and Rada deputy (Donetsk oblast); Omelian Parubok, Rada deputy (Cherkasy oblast); Anantoliy Nalivaiko, a coal miner at the Karl Marx Mine; Boris Oliynik, Rada deputy, head of the Committee on CIS Relations, and a writer; and Valeria Zaklunna, an actress known for her work in the National Theater of the Russian Drama.

For Truth, People and Ukraine (Socialists and Peasants) (#26)
The Socialist and Peasant parties have existed independently since the early 1990s, but have developed close relations in recent years. After working together in a parliamentary faction since April 1997, the two parties established an electoral coalition in June 1997, which was later joined by a few small leftist organizations. The bloc stated as its major principle "opposition to the course of the President and Government," and its major goal "to lift Ukraine out of crisis."

Former CPU members founded Ukraine's Socialist Party in October 1991. Oleksandr Moroz, the speaker of the parliament and a presidential candidate in 1994, is chair of the party and its most well-known member. Since 1994, Moroz has used his position as speaker to become a leading force of the left alliance in the parliament, and to strengthen the party's infrastructure in the regions. Moroz has already declared his candidacy for the 1999 presidential election and is regarded as one of the strongest candidates.

Although maintaining ties to and often coordinating votes with the Communists in the parliament, some Socialists have sought to move closer to a social democratic orientation following the 1994 elections. In the last few years, Moroz has openly stated his opposition to President Kuchma, even while supporting him by organizing the votes necessary to pass the Constitution in 1996 and developing legislation known to be favored by the president.

Formed in 1992, the Peasant Party relies on a mostly rural membership, which includes a significant number of collective farm directors and local officials from the regions. The more conservative members left to form the Agrarian Party after the 1994 elections. Peasant deputies in the parliament have consistently opposed any introduction of market reforms in the agricultural sector. Barely visible on the regional political horizon before joining with the Socialists, the Peasants have benefitted from the association.

Program
Both the Socialist and Peasant parties are generally critical of the constitution. Moroz, in particular, has proposed amending the constitution and restricting presidential powers. On economic issues, the program includes the strengthening of state control of key industries and a strong social protection policy. The bloc claims to have formulated a comprehensive plan to overcome Ukraine's economic crisis, noting that it will yield results within a year. On foreign policy issues, the bloc supports closer relations with the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) and opposes the eastward expansion of NATO.

Campaign
Moroz is clearly the most visible campaign presence for the bloc. Seeking to attract Ukraine's older voters and its Russian-speaking population, Moroz has also targeted the bloc's appeal to youth and the emerging middle class, referred to recently by Moroz as the "basis of society." The composition of the party list, which includes up to 35 businessmen and directors of joint-stock companies, is evidence of this new focus. The Socialists and Peasants hope to gain votes respectively in urban and rural areas.

The bloc's campaign has so far emphasized the corruption of authorities and the "rule of bandocracy," calling the executive branch the source of this problem and the Verkhovna Rada too weak to challenge the president's authority. The campaign has also focused on wage arrears and salary and pension increases. In its campaign materials, the bloc promises jobs, reduced taxes, and free education and medical care.

The Socialist and Peasant parties are finding it difficult to explain to voters how they are distinct from other leftist parties. The bloc has reached an agreement with the Communists on single-mandate seats, whereby either the Socialist-Peasant bloc or the CPU will withdraw a candidate according to the strength of their group in a particular constituency. This agreement, reached at the national level, does not appear to be working in all oblasts. In the last few months, some measure of mutual support and coordination has also been seen between the Socialists and Pavlo Lazarenko's Hromada.

Party List and Leadership
The bloc is running 102 single-mandate candidates as well as 201 candidates on its party list, 120 of whom are members or nominees of the Socialist Party, 81 of whom represent the Peasant Party. The list includes Oleksandr Moroz, head of the Socialist Party and speaker of the Parliament; Ivan Chizh, head of the Socialist-Peasant Faction in the Rada, Rada deputy (Khmelnytsky), and deputy head of the Committee on Social Issues; Serhiy Dovgan, head of the Peasant Party, Rada deputy (Kherson), and member of the Constitutional Committee; Viktor Suslov, Minister of Economy and former head of the Rada Committee on Finances and Banking; and Ivan Bokiy, deputy editor of "Silski Visti" (Countryside News).

Social Democratic Party (UNITED) (SDP(U)) (#27)
The Social Democratic Party (United) was established in its current form in April 1996, following the split in the Social Democratic Party. After the split, the leadership launched an initiative to attract other left-centrist groups, uniting with the Ukrainian Party of Justice and the Party of Human Rights, both established in 1992. The SDP(U) thus claims to be the legal successor of all three parties, the party head Vasyl Onopenko having chaired the Party of Human Rights and his deputy Grigoriy Medvedchuk a former member of the Socialist Democratic Party's Central Council. At the beginning of the campaign, the SDP(U) counted 20,000 members.

As head of the SDP(U), Onopenko has made efforts to cooperate and form coalitions with other like-minded parties. In 1996, SDP(U) was the a driving force behind the creation of the MIST bloc in parliament, which split in November 1997 amid disagreements about constructing a party list. The SDP(U) did incorporate a number of the bloc's smaller groups, such as "Understanding," an organization headed by former president Leonid Kravchuk. Kravchuk's popularity is once again increasing in the country (he won 45 percent of the vote in the second round of voting in the 1994 presidential election), resulting also in higher name recognition for the party.

Associating himself with (although not joining) the party in November 1997 was Yevhen Marchuk. While Marchuk's pre-1991 position as Ukraine's chief of security tarnished his democratic credentials, he is widely known for his post-independence roles as prime minister from 1995-1996 and head of the parliamentary faction Social Market Choice. After Kuchma, Marchuk was the second to declare his candidacy for president in 1999.

The leadership of the SDP(U) also includes a group led by Viktor Medvedchuk and Grigoriy Surkis, joint owners of a large oil company in Ukraine. With the strong financial backing of the oil company and of supporters of both Kravchuk and Marchuk, the SDP(U) is experiencing few difficulties in raising campaign funds.

Program
The Social Democratic Party (United) has focused its program on property rights and social protection and security, striving to build a "socially efficient market economy." The party envisions a leadership team in place at every level of government to implement economic initiatives; administrative reform to include the restructuring of the Cabinet of Ministers and the bodies of executive and state authority; and the development of a civic code. The party also calls for a revamped tax system to stimulate production, a unified tax on land, and legislation providing for the state-supervised sale and purchase of land.

On foreign policy issues the SDP(U) favors improved relations with Russia and was an active supporter of the Treaty of Friendship recently signed by President Kuchma and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. The party has also supported integration into European structures and led the way in forming the International Committee to Promote the European Integration of Ukraine.

Campaign
The SDP(U) is strongest in the central and eastern oblasts of Ukraine (Kyiv, Kirovohrad, and Luhansk) where the party's regional structures are well developed, and weakest in the western and southern oblasts. The party is relying on the media to increase its appeal. Kravchuk and Marchuk have received an abundance of media coverage, especially from Den, a popular national newspaper. The SDP(U) has made much of the fact that the football team "Dynamo" joined the party, not surprising given that the head of the football association is a party leader and running fifth on the party's list. The popularity of the team should boost the party's support, especially among younger voters.

The SDP(U) has made a concerted effort to avoid the mutual recriminations of political parties. Though stating their opposition to President Kuchma, SDP(U) leaders have so far rejected confrontational tactics. The party has conducted a Western-style campaign, complete with rallies and direct contact with voters. Recent polls show some increase in voter support. Of the parties collecting the required number of signatures for registration with the Central Election Commission, the SDP(U) collected the highest number, at 1.7 million.

Party List and Leadership
The SDP(U) is running 105 candidates in single-mandate races. The party list contains a significant number of businessmen and lawyers. The list includes Leonid Kravchuk, former president of Ukraine (1990-94) and Rada deputy; Yevhen Marchuk, former head of security of Ukraine, former Prime Minister (1995-96) and Rada deputy; Vasyl Onopenko, head of the party, Rada deputy, and former Justice Minister; Viktor Medvedchuk, president of the Union of Lawyers and Rada deputy; and Grigoriy Surkis, owner of the football team "Dynamo-Kyiv."

Progressive Socialist Party (#30)
The Progressive Socialist Party was formed in 1996 as a result of a division in the Socialist Party. An adviser to Socialist Party head Oleksandr Moroz on issues of ideology, Natalya Vitrenko began to criticize his increasingly liberal positions in 1994, often accusing him of betraying the cause of socialism. Vitrenko and Socialist Party member Volodymyr Marchenko clashed with Moroz in 1996 during the debates on the constitution and Moroz's lobbying for its passage by the Rada. Excluded from the Socialist Party and its parliamentary faction, Vitrenko and Marchenko left to build the more orthodox Progressive Socialists.

During 1997, the party developed quickly and aggressively. Vitrenko capitalized on general discontent of older voters as well as on the dissatisfaction of some Socialists with their party's perceived shift to the right. Vitrenko's militant statements also attracted a number of Communists, mostly from the lower levels of the party. Although unsuccessful in forming an election bloc, the Progressive Socialists have recently incorporated members from the Party of Pensioners and other leftist parties.

Program
The most extreme left-wing party in Ukraine, the Progressive Socialists aim to build a Soviet Socialist Ukraine, independent both of Russia and the West. The party promises to build socialism for the people of Ukraine, emphasizing that those people include all nationalities living in the country. The platform calls for a complete change in the political system, the invalidation of the constitution, elimination of the executive branch and of the division of powers between the two branches of government, and transfer of all power to the Soviets.

The party's economic program includes a reversal of reforms, emergency measures to ease the transition period back to socialism, total state regulation of the economy, and a state monopoly on foreign trade. The program further calls for a general reduction of taxes and tax-breaks for local producers, with increased taxes on luxury goods.

On foreign policy, the Progressive Socialists propose that Ukraine help create a CIS security structure and become more involved in the CIS Parliamentary Assembly. Though not calling for reunification with Russia, the party advocates deeper integration with the CIS and less with the West and NATO.

Campaign
Party head Natalya Vitrenko and deputy head Volodymyr Marchenko have worked actively to develop the party's regional structures, focusing on areas hardest hit by economic difficulties. Although not established throughout Ukraine, the party has set up branches in several eastern rayons.

The Progressive Socialists' campaign has featured harsh criticism of the government, most recently in the form of a communiqué calling for President Kuchma's impeachment and Speaker Moroz's removal. Determined to win members away from other leftist parties, Vitrenko has also devoted her energies to revealing discrepancies in the Socialists' and Communists' programs. Vitrenko has reproached both parties for not being sufficiently orthodox, accusing the Communists of deceiving the populace with promises of a resurrected Soviet Union and blaming the Socialists for passing the constitution and for allowing corruption to grow unchecked.

Without a nationwide organization, the party is unlikely to cross the 4 percent threshold. Vitrenko's popularity is on the rise, however, making it likely that the Progressive Socialists will take votes away from the Communist and Socialist parties.

Party List and Leadership
The party list comprises mainly of pensioners and businessmen, the latter who are attracted to the party's policy on reduced taxes and specific tax breaks. The list includes Natalya Vitrenko, head of the party and Rada deputy; Volodymyr Marchenko, deputy head of the party and Rada deputy; Oleksandr Charodeev, unemployed; Petro Romanchuk, senior factory worker (Sumy); and Mikhail Savenko, physician (Zaporizhzhya).

Social Democratic Party (SDP) (#16)
One of two parties with the same name, the Social Democratic Party has experienced numerous splits since it was founded in 1990. Led by chairman Yuriy Zbitnev, in the early 1990s the Social Democrats hoped to find a niche as a "third force" between the nationalists and former Communists. Disagreement within the party became widespread following the elections of 1994, in which only a few SDP deputies were elected. After the party's split in 1995, a majority of the leadership and many members formed the Social Democratic Party (United). Zbitnev also left the party, accepting positions in the government as advisor to the prime minister and later as head of the Youth Fund.

At the party congress in 1995, the Social Democrats renovated the party's structure and elected a new leader, Yuriy Buzdugan, head of the Rada's Committee of Social Policy and Labor Issues. Without resources and a developed party organization, Buzdugan tried to develop relations with independent trade unions, working closely with the Union of the Physically Disabled, the Association of the Blind, and the Union of Invalids of Ukraine.

Today the party comprises 2,000 members and, along with the SDP(U), claims to be the only legitimate successor of the original Social Democratic Party. The SDP's pre-election attempts to attract influential members to the party have not, however, been successful. After Yevhen Marchuk joined the SDP(U), Buzdugan could not hide his disappointment, admitting in interviews that he had also conducted negotiations with Marchuk and was expecting him to join the Social Democrats.

Program
The Social Democrats base their ideology and party program on the principles of the Socialist International and the Stockholm Declaration. While favoring reforms, the SDP has criticized their implementation as conducted at the expense of public well-being. The SDP's program includes special benefits for local producers and manufacturers to stimulate production; revamped tax and pension systems; and social protection guarantees, especially for invalids and war veterans.

Campaign
The Social Democrats claim to have branch organizations in 20 oblasts, the strongest in the Donbas and Sumy in the east, Odessa and Sevastopol in the south, Kyiv and Poltava in the center, and Lviv in the west. The party has worked hard to distinguish itself from other parties, emphasizing that other social democratic parties are either made up of former communists or are "financial clans" in disguise. A central SDP campaign theme is its opposition to the "nomenklatura bureaucracy" and the ruling elite that brought Ukraine to its current crisis. Buzdugan has underlined that his party has been consistently critical of both President Kravchuk's and Kuchma's regimes.

The SDP hopes to appeal to socially vulnerable groups, especially the physically disabled, of whom there are 2.5 million in Ukraine. At the party's pre-election congress, Buzdugan pointed out that while other parties speak abstractly about assisting the disabled, his party helped them organize and even involved them in the collection of signatures for the party. The SDP has also targeted trade unions in hopes of attracting workers to the party.

The SDP is not expected to surpass the 4 percent threshold. If voters confuse the names of the two Social Democratic Parties, however, Buzdugan's Social Democrats may exceed current predictions. Buzdugan himself may have difficulties getting elected, as it was discovered in mid-March that he had registered in two separate single-mandate districts. Unless he withdraws from one, the results of both races will be invalidated.

Party List and Leadership
The party list includes 127 candidates, both SDP members and members of small trade unions and associations. The list includes Yuriy Buzdugan, head of the Committee of Social and Labor Issues and Rada deputy; Mikola Karnaukh, member of the Committee on Corruption and Rada deputy; Yuriy Tikhonov, head of the Council of Ship-building Industry Workers Union; Volodymyr Zlenko, head of the Council of Radioelectronics Workers Union; and Vladislav Bilchich, chairman of the Association of the Blind.

Union (#12)
The Union Party was founded in Crimea in the fall of 1997 and comprises businessmen, local officials, and a number of Crimean Rada deputies. The party is chaired by Svitlana Savchenko, a Crimean Rada deputy, though Union's founder and real leader is Lev Mirimskiy, a wealthy businessman. Union publicly supports stronger ties to Russia.

The party claims to be leftist in orientation, supporting increased local self-governance and the transformation of Ukraine into a federal state. Although promising to conduct a referendum on joining the Russia-Belarus union, the party has not declared itself in favor of the restoration of the Soviet Union. Union's leaders chose the party's name in the hope that voters would associate "Union" with the Soviet Union and the relative stability of the Soviet era.

Union has nominated 30 candidates to run on its party list, 20 of whom are from Crimea. The most well-known party member is Sofia Rotaru, a popular Soviet singer now living in Yalta. The list includes Svitlana Savchenko, Crimean Rada deputy (Bilogorsk); Lev Mirimskiy, Rada deputy (Kyiv); Sofia Rotaru, singer; Oleksandr Plyuta, reserve officer at the Ministry of Internal Affairs; and Valentyn Ulyanov, deputy of Yalta City Executive Committee.

Trudova Ukraina (WORKING UKRAINE) (#15)
Following the start of the election campaign in November 1997, the Ukrainian Union of Justice and the Civic Congress of Ukraine formed the election bloc Trudova Ukraina (Working Ukraine). The Ukrainian Union of Justice, created in February 1997, joined the Organization of Ukrainian Veterans, the Ukrainian Union of Afghanistan Veterans, and Union Chornobyl with the aim of preventing the reelection of those who have "contributed to the destruction of Ukraine." The Civic Congress of Ukraine, created in 1993, is based in Donetsk, with branch organizations also in Crimea, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhya. The Congress represents workers, mostly miners, in Donetsk and the Russian-speaking population in these oblasts.

Program
Trudova Ukraina's program is almost indistinguishable from that of the Communists. It calls for restoring power to the Soviets, a reversal of privatization, state regulation of the economy, reintegration with the economies of the CIS countries, restoration of the state bank system, state support for collective enterprises and farms, and official status for the Russian language.

Campaign
Trudova Ukraina appeals to war veterans, workers, and the Russian-speaking population. At a recent press conference, party leaders explained that Ukraine's social and economic problems can only be solved through the integration of all Slavic states. To distinguish itself from other parties, Trudova Ukraina claims that none of its members have ever supported economic reforms, which the party blames for Ukraine's present crisis.

In spite of its assault on all parties currently in power, Trudova Ukraina issued an appeal in November 1997, challenging leftist parties to unite to coordinate the nomination of single-mandate candidates and to sign an agreement on collaboration in the next parliament. The appeal has not been heeded, as other leftist parties continue to view the bloc with distrust. Socialists called the bloc "the fifth column in the veterans' movement."

Trudova Ukraina claims to have the support of more than 10 million people, the total number of veterans and their families. It is unlikely that the bloc will cross the 4 percent threshold.

Party List and Leadership
Despite criticizing officials currently in power, the bloc's list includes several representatives of city and oblast administrations, among them the head of the Kyiv state administration, Oleksandr Omelchenko. The list also includes Ivan Gerasimov, head of the Organization of Ukrainian Veterans; Oleksandr Bazilyuk, chairman of the Civic Congress of Ukraine; Serhiy Chervonopiskiy, head of the Party of Justice and chairman of the Committee on War Veterans in the Cabinet of Ministers; Yuriy Andreev, head of "Union Chornobyl"; and Viktor Derzhak, head of the Coal Industry Workers trade union.

All-Ukrainian Party of Workers (#21)
The All-Ukrainian Party of Workers was formed in 1996 by the Federation of Professional Unions, the direct successor of the Soviet organization of the same name. The party is chaired by Leonid Vernigora. The Party of Workers has focused its campaign on the issue of workers' salary arrears.

The Communists and Socialists view the Party of Workers as a potential threat, fearing that the party will draw from their voter base. The Party of Workers, meanwhile, has not indicated any willingness to cooperate with other leftist parties, accusing the Communists of attempting to lure workers away from a protest march that it sponsored in February. Although it claims as many as two million supporters, the Party of Workers has not campaigned extensively nor developed organizations outside Kyiv. It is unlikely that the party will garner 4 percent of the total vote in the elections.

The party list includes Oleksandr Stoyan, head of the Federation of Trade Unions and Rada deputy; Leonid Vernigora, head of the party and Rada deputy; Anatoliy Pozhidayev, head of the Workers of Metallurgy Trade Union; Oleh Bondarchuk, first deputy head of the party; and Vasyl Zubkov, head of the Central Council of the Sea Transport Workers trade union.

Party of Spiritual, Economic and Social Progress of Ukraine (#29) With bases in Odessa, Sumy, Chernihiv, and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts, this leftist party is tied to the Ukrainian Union of Industrialists and Businessmen. Formed in 1994, the party supports the revival of both the industrial and agrarian sectors in Ukraine. Leader Ivan Burdak has claimed that his party is distinct from others in its ability to understand the interrelationship of all the challenges facing Ukraine today. According to Burdak, most parties believe erroneously that "economic or social problems can be solved without the spiritual renaissance of the people."

The party's list includes Ivan Burdak, head of the party and general director of the center "Express-Economics"; Oleksiy Onipko, president of the Ukrainian National Academy of National Progress; Miykhailo Volinets, head of the Association of Free Trade Unions; Valeriy Peshiy, general director of the civic organization "Ukrris"; and Yuriy Tsemakh, director of the joint-stock company "Ukrrembud."

Motherland Defenders (#7)
This Kharkiv-based party is anti-West and left in orientation. Its membership mainly consists of retired Soviet Army servicemen, as well as a small number of businessmen. Motherland Defenders advocates state-supervised reforms and Ukraine's integration into all CIS structures. In addition to Kharkiv, the party claims to have regional organizations in Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, and Odessa.

With a total of 43 candidates, the party's list includes Vitaliy Kazakevich, head of the Department of Veterans Social Services; Oleksandra Kuzhel, Rada deputy and deputy head of the Economic Policy Committee; Anatoliy Pakhlya, deputy head of Odessa's military forces educational department; Volodymyr Kolomiytsev, deputy chair of the philosophy faculty of Kharkiv Military University; and Serhiy Tsukanov, head of the department of the Crimea Republican Saving Bank.

THE CENTER

Rukh (#20)
Founded in 1989 as the first democratic political opposition movement, National Rukh of Ukraine brought together anti-Communists, former dissidents, and intellectuals to form the strongest organized force for independence in Ukraine. After winning 28 percent of the parliamentary seats in the 1990 elections, Rukh began to broaden its appeal and develop a network of party organizations. Rukh members initiated both the referendum on sovereignty and Ukraine's declaration of independence in 1991.

In 1992, those Rukh members supporting then-incumbent President Kravchuk's reelection campaign split off to form the Democratic Party. Others joined the Republican and Conservative Republican parties. Vyacheslav Chornovil, a former dissident and political prisoner, was elected Rukh's chairman in 1992.

In the parliamentary elections of 1994, Rukh received 26 parliamentary seats, fewer than in 1990. During the next few years, Rukh's parliamentary faction and party members generally supported President Kuchma's policies, siding with him on reform legislation and promoting the passage of the draft constitution. Rukh's cooperation resulted in a number of appointed positions for the party at the national and regional levels. Along with elected local officials in western and central oblasts, Rukh has significant representation in both the legislative and executive bodies.

Rukh has made recent efforts to distance itself from Kuchma's government, stating at its pre-election congress its opposition both to the "party of power" and the Communist majority in the Rada. Disappointing center and right parties alike, Rukh refused to enter an election bloc with other political groups, choosing instead to incorporate political and civic associations into a new Rukh bloc to broaden the party's appeal. "Rukh for People for Ukraine" includes the Union of the Intelligentsia, led by Ivan Drach; the Union of Ukrainian Women, chaired by Chornovil's wife Atena Pashko; Prosvita (Education), led by Pavlo Movchan; the Union of Veterans, headed by Ihor Yukhnovskiy; and the association "Memorial."

In the last year, Rukh has experienced dissension within its ranks and has seen its membership drop. The transition from a pro-independence movement to a political party has also been difficult for Rukh. Chornovil himself has admitted to some frustration, noting the party's abiding focus on Ukraine's culture and sovereignty, but claiming also that "we are no less interested in economic and political problems."

Program
Rukh has developed a pre-election program, "New Way of Ukraine," that lists the accomplishments of the party to date as well as its goals for the future. Among its achievements, Rukh cites its program to reduce poverty; provisions in the constitution on human rights, property rights, and social guarantees; and legislation Rukh has initiated or influenced, including the Land Code, laws on social protection and pensions, election laws, and draft laws on political parties. Rukh has also worked to protect the Ukrainian language and culture and launched an initiative against organized crime.

After the elections, Rukh promises to reduce the size of the Cabinet of Ministers; to further privatization and implement economic reforms that benefit ordinary citizens, not the interests of organized crime; and to develop a unified tax code and prioritize spending on medical care, education, and the support of economically vulnerable groups. Rukh also promises to create jobs through promoting small businesses and local entrepreneurs. In the cultural realm, Rukh supports equal rights for all religions, provided that they are not opposed to the statehood of Ukraine. On foreign issues, Rukh supports integration into the European Union, the withdrawal of all foreign military forces from Ukraine's territory, and the recovery of Ukraine's portion of the former USSR's assets.

Campaign
Rukh is one of the few parties in Ukraine that has well-developed structures and membership bases in all rayons of Ukraine, with especially strong support in the western regions and in local governments of Kyiv oblast. Perceptions of the party differ according to region; in the east, Rukh is viewed as nationalist, while in the west Rukh is seen as a moderate party. To expand its appeal, Rukh has campaigned more vigorously in 1998 in the eastern regions of Cherkasy, Poltava, Dnipropetrovsk, and Kirovohrad.

Rukh's chairman, Chornovil, has emphasized the importance of appealing broadly to all voters in Ukraine, focusing the party's campaign on social issues and corruption. Rukh has established campaign headquarters in every region, and was the first party to air national television advertisements and disseminate brochures and posters. Rukh's regional organizations have also developed campaign literature addressing specific regional concerns. Rukh has sought to develop a modern campaign, sending its own activists simultaneously to campaign and collect signatures door-to-door.

Throughout the campaign, Rukh has stressed that the real choice is between Rukh and the Communists. In early February, Chornovil appealed to other parties of centrist and national orientation to withdraw from the race to avoid splitting the vote. His appeal was not positively received, and there are no plans for coordination on a nationwide basis. There is, however, a measure of coordination among centrist parties in the regions, which will most likely be reflected in the majoritarian races. Rukh is also a member of temporary coalitions in Zaporizhzhya with Reforms and Order and other democratic groups, in Luhansk with the Agrarians, and in Lviv with the People's Democratic Party.

Although Rukh will likely surpass the 4 percent threshold, national polls in March show voter support dipping to 5-6 percent. In western Ukraine, where Rukh has the support of up to 20 percent of voters, it is expected that the party will win a large number of majoritarian seats.

Party List and Leadership
Next to the Communists, Rukh has the highest number of candidates running in single-mandate races, with 194. Despite its claims to be an opposition party, Rukh did include several government officials on its party list, with two ministers among its first five candidates. Rukh's list also consists of a significant number of businessmen and entertainers. The list includes Vyacheslav Chornovil, head of Rukh, Rada deputy, and 1991 presidential candidate; Volodymyr Chernyak, deputy head of Rukh's Economic Council; Genadiy Udovenko, Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the UN General Assembly; Ivan Drach, Chairman of the Presidium of the Congress of Ukrainian Intelligentsia, Rukh's first chairman, and head of the association "Ukraine"; and Yuriy Kostenko, Minister of Ecology and Nuclear Security and Rada deputy.

Others on the list are Bohdan Boiko, head of the Ternopil oblast administration; Valeriy Borzov, president of the Olympic Committee; Mustafa Jemilev, chairman of the Tatar Majlis (unofficial organization of repatriated Crimean Tatars) in Crimea; and Oleksandr Lavrinovich, deputy head of the Rada Committee on Legal Issues. Nina Matvienko, a popular Ukrainian folk singer, is eighth on Rukh's list. Matvienko plans to campaign for the party through a series of concerts in March.

People's Democratic Party (PDP) (#23)
The People's Democratic Party (PDP) was formed in 1995 by a merger of the Party of Democratic Rebirth and the Labor Congress. The political bloc New Ukraine joined the party in 1996. The PDP is known as the "party of power" due to the number of government officials, including cabinet ministers and regional authorities, who are members of the party. Prime Minister Valeriy Pustovoytenko leads the party's candidate list.

The PDP defines itself as a democratic party supporting economic reform and promoting the national interests of Ukraine and its equal relations both with the European Union and CIS countries. Since its creation, the party has backed Kuchma's government, indicating its readiness to be known as the "president's party." Kuchma, in turn, has welcomed the support of the PDP. After alienating the Interregional Bloc of Reforms in the 1994 elections, Kuchma found common ground with PDP deputies in parliament who, like Kuchma, favored the passage of the draft constitution. Kuchma soon appointed PDP members to leadership positions, and a number of high-ranking government officials joined the PDP.

In 1997 the PDP struggled with parliamentary forces on the left as well as with then-Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko, whom party leaders blamed for an increase in corruption and the ongoing economic crisis. After Lazarenko's dismissal, PDP member Valeriy Pustovoytenko was appointed prime minister. From Dnipropetrovsk, like Kuchma and Lazarenko, Pustovoytenko served as campaign manager for Kuchma's presidential campaign in 1994 before holding several positions in the government.

The PDP is the only party directly associated with the president, and as such is an easy target of criticism. Opponents such as Moroz and Lazarenko tend to blame the PDP for the economic hardship of the last four years, calling it the "party of the nomenklatura." Prime Minister Pustovoytenko, in particular, has been accused of misusing funds in refurbishing the Ukrayina Palace, a government building in Kyiv. The PDP has also been accused of diverting funds from Children of Ukraine, a charity supported by the president's wife, to the party's campaign.

Program
At the PDP congress in November 1997, the party laid out a 10-step program to address Ukraine's economic crisis. The PDP pledges to provide economic stability, a reformed taxation system, a reduction in organized crime, an improved climate for investment, and the state-directed sale of land. The party also pledges to further privatization and integration into the global economy, to create new jobs and diminish unemployment, and to increase salaries and pensions. To promote the development of civil society, the PDP promises to ensure the state support of education and culture and to provide special benefits for youth. Finally, the party supports a foreign policy equally directed to the East and the West, with strong relations with CIS countries as well as with Europe and NATO.

Campaign
PDP has spent much of its campaign trying to rid itself of responsibility for the country's continuing economic crisis. Although known as the "party of power," the PDP sought to remind voters that it does not have a majority in the Rada and thus should not be blamed for Ukraine's hardships. Instead, the party points out, blame should be placed on other deputies in the Rada who have hampered the implementation of reforms, stalled privatization, and caused the budget deficit.

PDP has conducted an intensive Western-type campaign, complete with party slogans and logos in television advertisements and on plastic bags, calendars, and posters. The party has recruited popular entertainers to its ranks and is planning PDP-sponsored concerts to attract voters. PDP has also developed an election handbook for its activists that includes provisions from the election law and summaries of the party's program and campaign strategies.

With access to financial resources, PDP has been able to develop a nationwide organization supported by the state administrations of many regions. Still, it is difficult to judge how the party will fare in the elections. PDP's close association with Kuchma's government may or may not work to its advantage. In addition, the party's showing at the polls might be limited by the overwhelming number of centrist parties, whose inability to coalesce could split the centrist vote.

While earlier polls indicated a 5-7 percent base of support, polls in February showed these numbers dropping. The PDP's fate will also depend on the state of the economy on March 29. If the government does not address the non-payment of salaries and pensions before that time, PDP could be held responsible.

Party List and Leadership
PDP is running 147 candidates in single-mandate races. About a third of PDP's party list candidates are high- and medium-ranking officials, and another third are entrepreneurs. The list includes Valeriy Pustovoytenko, Prime Minister of Ukraine; Anatoliy Matvienko, head of Vinnytsia oblast administration; Ivan Plushch, Rada deputy (Kyiv); Mykhailo Sirota, Rada deputy (Kyiv) and head of the Constitutional Center faction (the Rada's largest, with 56 deputies); and Anatoliy Kinakh, president of the Ukrainian Union of Enterprises and Producers. Other important PDP members are Yevhen Kushnariov, head of the president's administration, and Roman Bessmertniy, the president's representative in the parliament.

Hromada (#4)
Established in December 1993 by a group of former Communists, Hromada ("community") was led for three years by Oleksandr Turchinov, an advisor to the prime minister on economic issues. To raise its profile, Hromada joined the new political bloc "Forward Ukraine" in March 1997, consisting at that time of several Christian Democratic parties and youth organizations. Regarded as one of the weakest parties in the bloc, Hromada was expected to be incorporated by one of the stronger political groups.

Hromada gained new life in July 1997 with the ascendance of former Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko as head of the party and Yulia Timoshenko, former head of United Energy Systems, as his "shadow prime minister." Lazarenko began his political career as a Verkhovna Rada deputy from Dnipropetrovsk. In 1995, he was appointed vice prime minister to Yevhen Marchuk, then prime minister after Marchuk was dismissed in June 1996. Failing to halt the economy's continued downward spiral, Lazarenko was soon accused of abusing his position for financial gain and involvement in corrupt activities. Lazarenko was removed from office in July 1997, and almost immediately launched opposition attacks from his positions in the parliamentary faction "Unity" and from his new role as head of Hromada.

After Hromada's congress in September, the party quickly began to establish a network of regional branches throughout the country, attracting local leaders and wealthy businessmen to its cause. Charges abounded that Hromada often paid workers in factories and institutes to join the party. Hromada's aggressive growth is said to have frightened the president's supporters, fueling speculation that recent investigations by the General Prosecutor's Office into Hromada's financial activities are tied to Hromada's rapid rise to prominence. Lazarenko recently announced his candidacy for the 1999 presidential election. Some analysts have called the struggle between Kuchma and Lazarenko a reflection of the internal split in the "Dnipropetrovsk clan," from which Ukraine's political elite has been drawn.

Program
At its fourth congress in November 1997, Hromada announced its "new strategy for Ukraine's revival." Its broad goals are to minimize corruption; allow citizen participation in the activities of the government and the state administrations; satisfy the interests of "every family and every individual"; guarantee the equality of all forms of property; remove all administrative obstacles to the development of business; revive production, increase employment, and guarantee the rights of workers and producers; and resolve the problem of pension and salary arrears.

Campaign
Hromada currently claims to have more than 100,000 members. The party was the first to submit signatures of its supporters to the Central Election Commission, collecting over one million. The party has also exceeded all others in campaign spending to date. Along with Timoshenko's support, Hromada has benefitted from the backing of Lazarenko, who is thought to be one of Europe's richest men.

Beginning in October 1997, Hromada's campaign has been marked by scandal. Using the media to his advantage, Lazarenko has responded to accusations of financial improprieties with countercharges against those attempting to discredit him. With several pro-presidential television stations providing negative coverage of Hromada, the party has received more media coverage than any other, transforming it from a relatively unknown group to one of the most recognized parties in Ukraine. Lazarenko's profile was boosted further in January, when the Ministry of Information suspended publication of "Pravda Ukrainy," citing a registration irregularity, and levied a $1.8 million fine against "Vseukrainskiye Vedomosti" for an erroneous report. Both newspapers support the former prime minister and his party. Lazarenko and the head of an OSCE delegation in Kyiv have since accused the government of violating press freedom.

Party List and Leadership
Hromada is running 193 candidates in single-mandate races. The party list includes Pavlo Lazarenko, head of the party, former prime minister, and Rada deputy; Petro Tolochko, vice president of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kyiv; Dmitro Dvorkis, head of the Vinnytsia City Executive Committee; Dmitro Gnatyuk, director of the National Opera of Ukraine in Kyiv; and Volodymyr Plutinskiy, head of "Zoryia" farm (Rivne). Other candidates in the list's first 10 include Yulia Timoshenko and Ivan Saliy, former mayor of Kyiv.

Green Party (#10)
Together with Rukh and the Democratic Party, the Green Party has been active in Ukraine's national democratic movement since the early 1990s. Although the party is not represented in the Rada, its environmental focus has earned it a small but enduring base of support in post-Chornobyl Ukraine. Aiming to provide ecological security for Ukraine, the party garnered the most support in the early 1990s when Chornobyl and its aftermath were still topics of widespread concern.

In November 1997, the Green Party announced that it would run an independent party list. Party leader Vitaliy Kononov noted at the party's congress that the Green Party is exceptional for its focus on Ukraine's future and the state of Ukraine's environment, and is one of the few parties whose members have not been discredited by accusations of corruption or improper conduct. The party has stated its opposition to nuclear energy and its support for alternative energy sources and energy conservation. The Green Party program also calls for a neutral, non-aligned Ukraine with decentralized decisionmaking.

In early 1998, the Greens launched an extensive national poster and leaflet campaign and produced a series of television advertisements emphasizing the party's concern for Ukraine's children. With regional organizations in Kyiv, Chernihiv, and Crimea, the party has gained support throughout Ukraine in recent polls and may pass the 4 percent threshold.

Party List and Leadership
The recent surge in popularity of the Greens can be explained in part by the party's access to fundingt. Five of the party's top 10 candidates are successful businessmen, and up to 20 employees of Ukrinbank, Ukraine's seventh largest bank, are among the candidates on the party's list. The list includes Vitaliy Kononov, head of the party; Oleh Shevchuk, commercial director of the Kyiv-based communications company "Ukrtelekom"; Vasyl Khmelnitskiy, head of the informational department of the company "Real Group"; Serhiy Kurikin, deputy head of the party on political issues; and Yuriy Samoilenko, chairman of the civic association "Green World."

Reforms and Order (#28)
Established in 1997, Reforms and Order counts among its members party founder and former Vice Prime Minister Viktor Pynzenyk and a group of independent members of parliament. Reforms and Order includes members of the parliamentary faction Reforms, led by Serhiy Sobolev, and Young Ukraine, chaired by Oleh Doniy, formerly the leading intellectual and analytical force of Forward Ukraine. The party's analysts and political scientists are widely respected and often approached by the media and other political organizations for their expertise. Reforms and Order also has well-placed members in regional and local governments. Mikhail Pozhivanov, running fifth on the party's list, is one of the most popular mayors in Ukraine.

Program
In late 1997, Reforms and Order leaders announced the party's election platform, "Contract with the Citizens of Ukraine," pledging to implement each component of the contract once in office and resign their posts if they fail to achieve the contract's objectives. The contract consists of 13 articles proposing political, social, and economic reforms, as well as concrete time lines for the reforms' implementation.

Reforms and Order proposes to create conditions for the growth of the economy and to increase salaries, pensions, and the employment rate; to stabilize the currency and reduce consumer prices; to balance the budget; and to pay salary and pension arrears. The party also proposes to reform the education system, provide child care, introduce medical insurance, and increase social assistance to vulnerable groups. Reforms and Order favors legislation that provides for the sale and purchase of land and facilitates investment in the agrarian sector. Finally, the party supports the equality of all citizens before the law, rescinding the immunity of members of parliament, and reform of the civil code.

Campaign
Drawing its core of support from Zaporizhzhya, the base of many of the party's leaders, Reforms and Order has attempted to build support in the western and central oblasts. The party has targeted its appeal to young entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and pensioners, especially in the western regions, who are anxious about social protection issues. The party hopes to attract former and active members of the military and older voters by its reference to "Order" in the party name and in its campaign literature.

Reforms and Order has campaigned intensively to portray the party as a modern, young, professional, and reform-minded organization. The first party to establish a site on the Internet, the party also launched an initiative to conduct "24-hour campaign days" in a number of regions. Reforms and Order recently announced Viktor Yushchenko, head of Ukraine's National bank, as the party's presidential candidate in 1999. Although Yushchenko refused the nomination, the announcement received wide media coverage.

As the March elections approach, the party has become steadily more critical of the government's seeming inability to implement comprehensive economic reforms. An appeal by party leaders to "all pro-reform forces" to consolidate their efforts in majoritarian constituencies was not heeded, although there is speculation that PDP and Reforms and Order are trying to coordinate their efforts in some regions. While Reforms and Order has access to sufficient funds to finance further campaign activities, recent opinion polls indicate the party's support at just under 4 percent. It is often said that if Reforms and Order and Forward Ukraine were to reunite, their combined chances of attaining the threshold would be much improved.

Party List and Leadership
The party list of Reforms and Order contains the highest number of economists and lawyers of any party, as well as a significant number of businessmen. The list includes Viktor Pynzenyk, head of the party, Rada deputy, and former Vice Prime Minister for Economic Reform; Serhiy Sobolev, head of the Reforms faction and Rada deputy; Anatoliy Lopata, senior military officer; Mikhail Pozhivanov, mayor of Mariupol (Donetsk oblast) and Rada deputy; and Serhiy Terekhin, Rada deputy.

Agrarian Party (#9)
Peasant Party members in favor of President Kuchma's government left to form the Agrarian Party in December 1996. Said to be more focused on its rural constituency than is the Peasant Party, the Agrarian Party inherited the bulk of the Peasants' local governmental officials. A simultaneous split in the Peasant faction in the parliament enabled the Agrarians to attract independent deputies to its ranks to form a faction. Comprising 26 deputies, the Agrarian faction in the Rada has worked closely with the Constitutional Center faction, endorsing most legislation initiated by the president.

The Agrarian Party grew rapidly in 1997, the result of a vigorous recruitment campaign on the part of rural local authorities. The party's aggressive growth in rural regions has been compared to that of Hromada in urban regions in recent months. The appeal of the Agrarians, however, is not restricted to rural areas; the party's regional leadership is also drawn from high positions in oblast administrations. The Agrarians now claim to have the most supporters of any party, counting 200,000 members.

The Agrarian Party is regarded as the rural "sister party" of the urban-based People's Democratic Party. However, the two parties did not unite in an election bloc, as had been anticipated. The Agrarian Party is one of the few parties headed by a woman, Katerina Vashchuk.

Program
The Agrarian Party is mainly concerned with developing the rural economy. While claiming to be centrist in orientation, in late 1997 the party added a number of socialistic features to its platform. The Agrarians believe that some measure of state regulation of the economy is necessary, such as control over economic "priority spheres" and the country's energy resources. They also propose a unified land tax in rural areas and tax-credits for those engaged in agrarian activity, state support of the applied sciences, and state guarantees of free education, medical care, pensions, and employment. While believing in the necessity of private property, the party proposes to prohibit its purchase and sale, preferring local referenda as a means of determining land ownership. The Agrarians also call for the end of the "dictate" of international lending institutions.

Campaign
The Agrarians have received significant local and regional media coverage, in which they have made the most of their slogan: "Through the revival of the village to the revival of Ukraine, the land belongs to those who work on it." Although not widely covered in the national media, the party has received publicity through the administration's official media sources, prompting the Socialists and the Communists to label the Agrarian Party "the lovely child of the president." The party is also working in coalition with PDP and Rukh in some regions to coordinate support of majoritarian candidates.

The level of support for the Agrarians varies from 1 to 6 percent in recent polls. In the party's favor is the fact that rural constituencies tend to vote for candidates supported by local leaders, among whom the Agrarians are especially strong.

Party List and Leadership
Perhaps more so than the People's Democratic Party, the Agrarians have become the "party of power," with up to 20 percent of the party's list comprising government officials, the majority of them local and regional. The Agrarians are running 119 candidates in single-mandate races. The party list includes Katerina Vashchuk, head of the party and Rada deputy (Kyiv); Yuriy Karasik, Rada deputy (Kyiv); Viktor Semenchuk, Rada deputy (Khmelnytsky oblast); Vasyl Stepenko, Rada deputy (Poltava oblast); and Ruslan Bodelan, head of the Odessa Oblast Administration. Other leaders of the party are Orest Furdichko, Chairman of Lviv oblast Rada; Anatoliy Franchuk, head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Crimea; and Mikola Soroka, head of the Rivne oblast administration.

Labor and Liberal Parties Bloc (#1)
The Labor and Liberal Parties formed this electoral coalition in November 1997. Both parties trace their histories to the early 1990s. The Liberal Party was created in Donetsk in 1991 and was originally a regionally based party with a high membership of owners and directors of large local companies. In an effort to expand its organization beyond Donetsk, the Liberals held a congress in Kyiv in 1992, defining its program as supporting federalism for Ukraine, Russian as a state language, and dual citizenship for Ukrainians and Russians. The Liberals have since adjusted their platform and experienced several leadership changes. After the 1994 elections, the party joined the faction Social Market Choice. In 1996, Volodymyr Shcherban, then head of the Donetsk regional administration, was elected chairman of the party.

In November 1996, Yevhen Shcherban, head of the party's political council and cousin of Volodymyr Shcherban, was murdered. The murder resonated throughout the country and topped newspaper headlines for months. Although party leaders called it politically motivated, the crime has since been connected to Shcherban's financial dealings. The case remains unsolved.

Also based in Donetsk, the Labor Party was formed in 1992 by a group of "red directors," former heads of Soviet enterprises who have retained their titles and built personal fortunes since Ukraine's independence in 1991. Labor's chairman is Valentyn Landyk, head of the business "Nord" and former deputy prime minister. From 1996-1997 the party was part of the MIST (Bridge) bloc with the Social Democratic Party (United) and the Democratic Party. Labor united with the Liberals shortly after the MIST bloc disintegrated in October 1997. Labor is second in popularity only to the Communists in Donetsk, but practically invisible elsewhere.

Program and Campaign
The bloc claims to be ideologically centrist, supporting the purchase and sale of private property as well as emphasizing the state's responsibility for providing social protection for vulnerable groups in society.

Though the Labor-Liberal bloc is well funded, so far it has not used the media to its advantage. Television ads produced by the bloc remind voters merely that the bloc appears first on the ballot.

Leaders of the Liberals represent Donetsk's industrial elite, who are adversaries of the "Dnipropetrovsk clan." Given this rivalry, the Liberals will not ally with the People's Democratic Party or Hromada, whose leaders both have strong ties to Dnipropetrovsk.

Party List and Leadership
The list includes Volodymyr Shcherban, head of the Liberal Party and Rada deputy; Valentyn Landyk, head of the Labor Party and Rada deputy; Vyacheslav Boguslaev, president of the Interregional Association of Producers and general director of "Motor-sich"; Mikola Zhulinskiy, Rada deputy; and Ada Rogovtseva, a professor at the Institute of Culture and Arts and a well-known actress. The bloc's list also includes Dmitro Tabachnik, advisor to the president on internal policy issues and former head of the president's administration. Tabachnik was dismissed from the latter position over allegations of corruption.

Forward Ukraine (#13)
The Forward Ukraine bloc was established in April 1997 by Serhiy Sobolev and the parliamentary faction Reforms. The bloc was joined by the Christian Democratic Party, led by Volodymyr Stretovych, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Party of Ukraine, the Republican Christian Party, Hromada, the Christian Democratic Youth of Ukraine, the Foundation for Reforms, the youth organization "Young Ukraine," and a few other small groups.

Forward Ukraine soon established a deputy union in parliament, with Rada Vice Speaker Viktor Musiyaka as its informal leader. The bloc identified itself as a political force in the right center and its electorate as the middle class, intellectuals, teachers, and all other "socially responsible" citizens dissatisfied with the current situation in Ukraine. Intent on becoming a "third force" between left and right forces, Forward Ukraine has been actively involved in initiating reform legislation in the Rada.

Forward Ukraine began to splinter at the end of summer 1997. Former Vice Prime Minster Viktor Pynzenyk left to establish a new party, Reforms and Order, along with "New Ukraine." Once Pavlo Lazarenko joined Hromada, that party also left Forward Ukraine to launch its own campaign. Less of a blow to the bloc was the loss of the Republican Christian Party, now running its own candidate list in the elections. Although the Forward Ukraine maintains its intellectual force and some influence in the parliament, neither the bloc nor its component groups have developed branch organizations outside of Kyiv.

The real leader of the party today is Serhiy Holovatiy, president of the Ukrainian Legal Foundation and Minister of Justice from 1995-97, in charge of the government's anticorruption program "Clean Hands." After Kuchma dismissed him, Holovatiy became vocal in his opposition to Kuchma's government, establishing his own "Clean Hands" fund to conduct an independent investigation into allegations of corruption.

In November 1997, Holovatiy announced his candidacy for the 1999 presidential election. In February 1998, Holovatiy also announced that he would run for mayor of Kyiv, along with 15 other declared candidates.

Program
Forward Ukraine's pre-election program is aimed at building a "society of free citizens," where the state is responsible for protecting human rights. On economic issues, the bloc supports the development of private property, both in the industrial and agrarian sectors, while emphasizing a need for the strict supervision of the privatization process by the state and civic organizations. The bloc also favors anticorruption legislation and social protection of the elderly and other vulnerable groups.

Campaign
Without plentiful resources or a network of organizations outside of the capital, Forward Ukraine has not been able to run a high-profile campaign. Speaking at a recent debate between candidates, Holovatiy underlined that his party cannot afford the array of television advertisements and posters that other parties have produced. Forward Ukraine's leaders have taken a different approach, traveling to the regions to meet with voters and participating in debates and public events sponsored by civic organizations and journalists.

Forward Ukraine has focused its campaign on corruption, highlighting the bloc's anticorruption activities. In recent speeches, both Holovatiy and Grigoriy Omelchenko, head of the Rada's anticorruption committee, have called the current situation in Ukraine a "Kuchmocracy" in an attempt to emphasize the bloc's opposition to the status quo. Forward Ukraine has found it difficult to differentiate itself from other center-right parties, which also proclaim the necessity of a free market, a free society, and orderly reforms.

Although it is considered one of the 10 front-runners, Forward Ukraine is not likely to attain the 4 percent of votes necessary to gain multi-mandate seats in the new Rada. The bloc may well win a number of majoritarian seats, however, including the reelection of its incumbent deputies.

Party List and Leadership
The bloc's list includes Viktor Musiyaka, Deputy Speaker and Rada deputy; Grigoriy Omelchenko, head of the Committee on Corruption and Organized Crime and Rada deputy; Serhiy Holovatiy, president of the Ukrainian Legal Foundation and former Minister of Justice; Volodymyr Stretovych, head of the Committee on Legal Issues and Rada deputy; and Viktor Shyshkyn, former prosecutor general, head of the Subcommittee on Judicial Reform, and Rada deputy.

BLOC OF DEMOCRATIC PARTIES-NEP

Democratic Party and Party of Economic Rebirth (#14)
The NEP bloc—an acronym of "Narodovlastie, Ekonomika, Protsvetanie," which roughly translates into "People's Power, Economy, Prosperity"—brings together the Democratic Party and the Crimea-based Party of Economic Rebirth. Founded in 1990, the Democratic Party was headed by the former dissident Yuriy Badzyo and enjoyed significant support as part of the national liberation movement in Ukraine's western and central oblasts. Although the Democrats won 27 seats in the Rada in the 1990 elections, internal disagreement over the party's orientation sapped its strength in the early 1990s. After the 1992 election of Volodymyr Yavorivskiy as the party's new chairman, the Democrats launched several unsuccessful attempts to forge coalitions with other parties. The necessity of entering a bloc became more urgent after the 1994 elections, when the party earned just four seats in the Verkhovna Rada. The Democratic Party united with the Party of Economic Rebirth in 1997.

The Party of Economic Rebirth is a regionally based party created in 1992 by Crimean governmental officials. Although chaired by Volodymyr Sheiviov, the real power behind the party is the speaker of the Crimean Verkhovna Rada, Anatoliy Gritsenko. The party claims to have 32,000 members.

The coalition of the Democrats and the Party of Economic Rebirth capitalizes on the strengths of the two parties, bringing together the financial backing of several large Crimean businesses and the broader support enjoyed by the Democrats in a number of Ukraine's regions. Announcing the new bloc, Yavorivskiy emphasized the significance of the two parties joining forces, noting that only a few years ago each was suspicious of the other. Despite Yavorivskiy's initial optimism, current polls do not indicate that the bloc will overcome the 4 percent threshold.

Program
The NEP bloc claims to have developed a concrete program to address Ukraine's economic and social crisis. In particular, the bloc pledges to provide economic freedom for all individuals by promoting entrepreneurial activity and simplifying the tax system, as well as supporting selected economic sectors, including technology, agriculture, and certain industries. The bloc also promises to pay all salary debts and to introduce a minimum wage. Finally, the bloc supports increased self-governance for the Crimean Autonomous Republic.

Campaign
NEP was one of the first blocs or parties to broadcast television advertisements. Appearing often on a number of channels, NEP's ads feature the popular Yavorivskiy vowing that he will never betray the voters. The NEP bloc has not conducted any other campaign activities to date.

In polls conducted before the passage of the election law and the consequent formation of blocs and parties, between 4 and 7 percent of voters supported the Democratic Party. With the NEP bloc earning just 1.5 percent support in a recent poll, it is widely speculated that the loss of the "Democratic Party" name caused the bloc's popularity to plummet. The bloc's abbreviated name, NEP, is the same abbreviation used for the New Economic Policy of the early 1920s. While this association means less to younger voters, older voters remember it as a time of extreme hardship and deprivation.

Party List and Leadership
The party list includes Volodymyr Yavorivskiy, head of the Democratic Party and Rada deputy (Kyiv); Anatoliy Gritsenko, speaker of the Crimean Rada; Vitaliy Radetskiy, chief inspector of the Defense Ministry of Ukraine; Volodymyr Bortnik, director of the State Concern "Ukragrotekhservis" and Rada deputy (Kyiv); and Lyubov Mayboroda, physician at the Epidemiological Service of Cherkasy. Also on the list is former Prime Minister Yukhym Zviahilskiy, whose inclusion has done little to bolster the bloc's popularity.

Socio-Liberal Union (SLON) (#19)
The election bloc SLON was formed in July 1997 by the Constitutional Democrats, Inter-Regional Bloc of Reforms, and several public interest organizations. The acronym "SLON" spells the Ukrainian word for elephant, the bloc's symbol.

A party since the presidential elections in 1994, the Inter-Regional Bloc of Reforms supported the official status of the Russian language and the rights of the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine. The leaders of the Inter-Regional Bloc in 1994—Volodymyr Grinyov and Volodymyr Malynkovich—were the main forces behind Kuchma's presidential campaign, and Kuchma himself served at one time as co-chairman of the Inter-Regional Bloc. The Inter-Regional Bloc of Reforms was also one of the founders of the political coalition New Ukraine.

Following the 1994 elections, the Inter-Regional Bloc formed a faction in the Verkhovna Rada. In time, however, faction members began to gravitate to other parties or blocs. While some Inter-Regional Bloc members left to form Regional Revival of Ukraine, others created the SLON bloc in late 1997 along with the Constitutional Democratic Party, which has been active but not influential since the early 1990s.

Targeting its appeal to voters in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine, SLON announced that it will cooperate with parties on the right on economic reform and parties on the left to ensure the official status of the Russian language and the protection of the rights of Russian-speakers in Ukraine. Unlike many other registered parties, the bloc has not declared itself in opposition to Kuchma's government. Inter-Regional Bloc leader Volodymyr Grinyov has admitted that, given his current position as an advisor to President Kuchma, such opposition would not be "correct." Still, Grinyov has been known to support some policies that Kuchma opposes.

Party List and Leadership
SLON's list comprises 62 candidates, some of them members of President Kuchma's administration as well as a number of former military officers. The list includes Volodymyr Grinyov, advisor to President Kuchma and head of Inter-Regional Bloc of Reforms; Volodymyr Zolotaryov, head of the Constitutional Democrats and "Den" correspondent; Natalya Kozhevina, head of Federation of Trade Unions of Enterprises; Mikhailo Umanets, assistant to Prime Minister Pustovoytenko; and Volodymyr Bistryakov, composer.

Christian Democratic Party of Ukraine (CDPU) (#25)
The Christian Democratic Party of Ukraine (CDPU) has been chaired since its founding in 1992 by Vitaliy Zhuravskiy, a professor of philosophy and author of many books on Ukrainian politics. Internal conflict in late 1996 led to a split in the party, with Volodymyr Stretovych, current head of the Rada Committee on Legal Issues, leaving to form his own Christian Democratic Party. The CDPU does not acknowledge the existence of Stretovych's party.

Committed to Christian democratic ideals, the party declares that it supports religious freedom and equality. It is expected that the CDPU will attract mostly the Protestant and Catholic vote in the elections. In early 1998, Zhuravskiy received wide media coverage on his trip to Rome and meeting with Pope John Paul II.

Intra-party dissension continued in late 1997, when Zhuravskiy accused deputy leader Valeriy Babich, head of the Ukrainian Financial Group, of misappropriating party funds. After Babich was excluded from the party list, he in turn accused the leadership of dishonesty. The CDPU is not expected to overcome the 4 percent threshold.

The party's list includes Vitaliy Zhuravskiy, head of the party and vice rector of the Ukrainian-Finnish Institute of Management; Ivan Timoshenko, rector of the Ukrainian-Finnish Institute of Management; Yuriy Gaisinskiy, director of the law firm "Korda"; Serhiy Kirichenko, Rada deputy; and Mykhailo Hutor, deputy party leader and head of Ternopil CDPU organization.

Republican Christian Party (#5)
The Republican Christian Party was formed in 1997 by the former dissident and leader of the Ukrainian Republican Party (URP), Mikola Porovskiy, and a number of URP deputies who were opposed to entering into a coalition with the Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party. Attempts by the Republican Christian Party to form a bloc with other center-right parties were not successful. When Rukh offered the Republican Christians only a small quota on a proposed joint party list, the party decided to run independently in the 1998 elections. The Republican Christian Party is Christian democratic in orientation and strongly supports the Ukrainian Orthodox Church.

The party's list includes Mikola Porovskiy, head of the party and Rada deputy; Miykhailo Gorin, head of the party's editing commission; Levko Gorokhivskiy, Rada deputy; Oleh Bakay, director of the joint-stock company "Intergaz"; and Ihor Banakh, head of the Ivano-Frankivsk Regional Organization.

National and Economic Development of Ukraine (#22)
Registered in 1995, the party only became active in late 1997 and serves mainly as a vehicle for the campaigns of a number of top Ukrainian bankers and industry officials. The party's leader since 1995, Valentina Nakonechna, was bumped to seventh after the party's newest members filled the first slots on the list.

The party supports economic reforms and social protection legislation. Minister of Transportation Valeriy Cherep, second on the party list, has assured voters that the party's businessmen and politicians know "how to find solutions for hardships in the country."

The party has 53 candidates on its list, including in the first five Volodymyr Matvienko, chairman of the Board of Directors of Promivestbank of Ukraine; Valeriy Cherep, Minister of Transportation and Rada deputy (Kyiv); Grigoriy Malyuk, Deputy Minister of Industry and general director of the Malishev Factory (Kharkiv); Volodymyr Severnyuk, general director of the State Metallurgy Factory (Krivih Rih); and Ihor Bakay, deputy head of the State Department of the Oil and Gas Industry and Rada deputy (Kyiv).

All-Ukranian Party of Women's Initiatives (#24)
As its name suggests, the party advocates the equal representation of women, especially in government positions. Formed in Kharkiv in 1997, the party promises to endorse the issues of women and to support health care and social protection for mothers and children. Another gender-based party, Women of Ukraine (WUP), was refused registration by the Central Election Commission, which concluded that it had violated signature-collection procedures. The WUP later accused the Party of Women's Initiatives of being a satellite of the People's Democratic Party and a favorite of President Kuchma.

The party's list includes Valentina Datsenko, head of the party and deputy chairman of the Board of Directors of the joint-stock company "Kharkivnaftproduct"; Oleksandr Dobroskok, deputy director of the company "Olimpia"; Valentyn Zadorenko, first deputy chairman of the Board of Directors of the joint-stock company "Kharkivnaftproduct"; Klavdia Sokoletska, lawyer and president of the company "Zovnishorservis"; Kapitolina Gurova, rector and professor of mathematics at Kharkiv College.

Regional Revivial of Ukraine (#2)
Founded in the fall of 1997 after a split in the Socio-Liberal Union, Regional Revival is a Russia-oriented party based in eastern Ukraine. The party is mostly made up of businessmen and Rada deputies and local officials from Donetsk and Simferopol. Advocating "strong regions for a strong country," the party focuses on regional issues and supports the devolution of power from the center. In television advertisements broadcast on state channels, the party also vows to "stop extremism" in Ukraine.

The most well-known leaders of the party, though nominated sixth and eighth on the party list respectively, are Volodymyr Malynkovich, a former dissident who was active in Kuchma's 1994 campaign, and Rada deputy Yuriy Boldiriov, formerly associated with the Civic Congress of Ukraine. The party's first five candidates include Volodymyr Ribak, head of the Donetsk City Rada and Executive Committee; Petro Lebid, priest, Kyiv-Pechersk Church; Volodymyr Pekhota, Rada deputy (Kyiv); Valeriy Ermak, head of the Simferopol City Rada and Executive Committee; and Genadiy Samophalov, Rada deputy (Kyiv).

European Choice of Ukraine (#17)
The bloc European Choice was founded in November 1997 and unites the Ukrainian Peasants Democratic Party, created in 1990 to appeal to farmers and other rural groups, and the Liberal Democratic Party, also established in 1990. Part of the New Ukraine bloc since 1992, the Liberal Democrats left in 1997 to run independently rather than remain with New Ukraine in its coalition with the People's Democratic Party.

The bloc's platform defines its ideology as "radical centrist" and calls for a "European-type civic society," strengthened local self-governance, and the demonopolization of all economic sectors. The campaign slogan of European Choice reads: "Neither left nor right—we will move straight ahead to Europe!"

The co-chairmen of the bloc are respectively the heads of the Liberal Democratic and the Peasants Democratic parties, Viktor Prisyazhnyuk and Andriy Koval. The bloc's list includes Prisyazhnyuk, also chief editor of "Our Time"; Koval, also chairman of the Ukrainian Association of Landowners (Kyiv); Mikola Shkarban, president of the Association of Farmers (Kyiv); Serhiy Baklan, vice president of the Union of Farm Cooperatives; and Roman Omelchuk, Rada deputy (Kyiv).

Muslim Party (#8)
So far, this party does not appear to have earned the support of Crimea's Tatars, Ukraine's most visible indigenous Muslim population. The party was founded in Donetsk in late 1997, shortly before the start of the election campaign. The party supports the interests of the Crimean Tatars and other national minorities in Ukraine and favors their equal participation in the social and political life of the country.

Nominating just 19 candidates, the party has the shortest list of all registered parties. It includes Rashid Bragin, head of the party; Niyazi Selimov, chairman of the Tatar Majlis (unofficial organization of repatriated Crimean Tatars) in Sevastopol; Firuddin Mamedov, head of the Kyiv-based company "Building Materials"; Rashid Ivankov, director of the company "Donbastorg"; and Arslanali Abduljanov, head of the association "Agropromservis."

THE RIGHT

National Front (#18)
Officially launched in September 1997, this election bloc formalizes the 1994 coalition of the Ukrainian Republican Party, Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (CUN), and the Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party. The most influential of the three parties is the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, created by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), an emigrant group based in Western Europe after the second World War. In 1992 CUN held its first organizational congress and elected its leader, Yaroslava Stetsko, wife of Yaroslav Stetsko, who is former head of the OUN. Winning only seven parliamentary seats in the 1994 elections, CUN appealed to other "patriotic parties" in 1997 to unite as the National Front. CUN has its own youth organization and claims to have 15,000 members.

The Ukrainian Republican Party was created in 1990 by former dissidents, many of whom were simultaneously members of Rukh. Drawing its base of support from western Ukraine, the party was strongest in the early 1990s, with regional organizations established throughout the country. Changes in leadership resulted in defections; the party's moderate wing and its entire regional organization in Ternopil joined Rukh, while the party's more extremist elements shifted to other parties. Led by Bohdan Yaroshinskiy, the party currently has nine seats in parliament and claims to have 12,000 members. The Conservative Republican Party was formed in 1992 by the first leader of the Republican Party, Levko Lukyanenko, and is now headed by Stepan Khmara. Lykyanenko and Khmara are both former prisoner camp veterans. The smallest of the three parties, the Conservative Republicans have one deputy in parliament and claim to have 1,000 party members.

Program
The National Front advocates the "harmonious development of society," to include a "Unitary Independent State" with a leading role for the church; the promotion of national consciousness, and cultural autonomy for national minorities living on the territory of Ukraine. The bloc also supports the social protection of citizens and closer ties with the West and NATO.

Campaign
The National Front's base of support lies in the western oblasts, where the bloc will compete directly with Rukh. Its leaders have criticized Rukh for disregarding the national interests of Ukraine and for its loyalty to Kuchma's government. Although the National Front claims to appeal to intellectuals and the middle class, it attracts most of its support from anti-Communist voters in the western regions.

Through the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, the National Front has access to significant financial resources, which have allowed the bloc to conduct an extensive regional media campaign and to publish a nationally distributed party newspaper. Still, the bloc is not expected to win more than 1-2 percent of the national vote.

Party List and Leadership
The list includes Levko Lukyanenko, Rada deputy and chairman of the Society of Former Political Prisoners; Yaroslava Stetsko, Rada deputy and head of CUN; Stepan Khmara, Rada deputy and head of the Conservative Republicans; Ivan Bilas, Rada deputy; and Bohdan Yaroshinskiy, Rada deputy and head of the Republican Party.

Ukranian National Assembly (UNA)(#6)
The Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA) was created in 1991 after the split of the Ukrainian Interparty Assembly, a coordinating body of Ukrainian rightist organizations. UNA soon merged with the paramilitary group Ukrainian Self-defense Organization (UNSO). The party is known for its extremist rhetoric and support of national liberation movements. Its members are mostly young males with military backgrounds and histories of arrest or disorderly conduct.

In the 1994 elections, UNA-UNSO won three seats in the Verkhovna Rada and a number of seats in local councils in western oblasts such as Rivne and Lviv. In the following year, the organization began openly conducting military training for its members and sent them to fight on the side of the separatists in Chechnya. As a result, the party's registration was revoked in 1995, and later restored only to UNA. UNA has since kept a lower profile.

Program and Campaign
UNA's program focuses mainly on Ukraine's relations with its neighbors, proclaiming that Ukraine should pursue the economic, cultural, and military domination of Central and Eastern Europe. As Russia's "younger and weaker brother," Ukraine should also pursue a special policy to provide Russia with cheap labor and natural resources. UNA's campaign emphasizes social equity and lower food prices, two issues that the party believes are most important to voters. The party is targeting its appeal to older voters, especially women, and is focusing on the eastern oblasts instead of its traditional base in the western regions of the country.

UNA asserts that it is counting on voters to be confused and willing to vote for whomever "deceives them better." The party's leaders often attribute their eccentric and unruly behavior to a distaste for politics, claiming that it is their responsibility to make politics more interesting. Of the 30 registered parties, UNA was the only group whose leaders were arrested during the signature collection campaign. Party head Oleh Vitovich was jailed for a day.

While party leaders promise a UNA victory at the polls and even a UNA-nominated presidential candidate in 1999, the party is not likely to overcome the 4 percent threshold. Given its youth appeal, however, the party is in a position to win several majoritarian races.

Party List and Leadership
The list of UNA's nominated candidates is diverse, including current government officials, Rada deputies, and more unemployed candidates than any other party. The first five names of the list include Oleh Vitovich, head of the party and Rada deputy; Yuriy Tima, Rada deputy; Yaroslav Ilyasevich, Rada deputy; Vilen Martirosyan, head of the Ukrainian Union "Vitchizna" (Motherland) and presidential adviser; and Anatoliy Lupinis, temporarily unemployed.

Less Words (#3)
This far-right election bloc was formed in November 1997 by the National Social Party and the "National Sovereignty of Ukraine" political union. It was later joined by the All-Ukrainian Committee of the Protection of Human Rights and the Ukrainian Association of Large Families. Based in western Ukraine, the group calls for the "Ukrainian State Above All."

Working in Lviv as an underground organization until the fall of 1997, the National Socialist Party used a swastika as its symbol. The party registered in late 1997 and moved its headquarters to Kyiv. The National Socialists recently received wide coverage for their involvement in clashes with Communists in Lviv on Revolution Day, November 7, after which they accused the Communists of provoking them to battle.

The bloc claims to be opposed to violence, crime, and amorality and in favor of order and strict anticorruption legislation. While the bloc does not currently garner much support, its name could appeal to voters who associate the phrase "less words" with more action.

The party's list includes Ludmila Vansovska, head of the All-Ukrainian Committee on Human Rights; Yaroslav Andrushkiv, head of the National Social Party; Roman Koval, head of the union National Sovereignty of Ukraine; Irina Kalinets, writer; and Vasyl Marinchenko, head of the Ukrainian Association of Large Families.