The National Democratic Institute is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization working to support and strengthen democratic institutions worldwide through citizen participation, openness and accountability in government.

The Arab Spring Still Blooms

Tunisian President Moncef Marzouki disputes growing fears of an ominous “Salafi Winter,” arguing that the Arab revolution has not failed, but will continue to flourish in his op-edfor the New York Times. The Arab spring has “definitively refuted the myth that democracy and Islam are incompatible,” he argues.

The democratization countries like Tunisia and Egypt has “allowed a number of extremist free riders into the political system.” President Marzouki, argues that while the danger of these extremists cannot be “dismissed,” the violence in response to the anti-Islam video, “The Innocence of Muslims,” is not representative of the entire Arab population nor reflective of the Arab Spring’s outcome.

The president asserts that most Tunisians “firmly condemn the violence,” and are frustrated “by how this unnecessary uproar has made the struggle for what matters most to them [building new democratic institutions] more arduous.” Given Tunisia’s firm commitment to democratization, Marzouki, writes that “at this crucial moment, the West must not abandon us.”

Chief Censor in Myanmar Caps His Red Pen

In his piece for The New York Times, Thomas Fuller profiles U Tint Swe, head of the Ministry of Information's Press Scrutiny and Registration Division in Myanmar, who for nearly 50 years managed the censorship of all publications in the country, from poems to books to the phone book yellow pages. Through Tint Swe’s story, Fuller tracks gradual changes in the government of Myanmar—the dissolution of military rule, the election of President Thein Sein, as well as the release of political dissidents from prison—which lead to the announcement that the censorship office would be permanently closed.

Tint Swe, a former military officer also known as “the literary torturer,” was chief censor during some of the most difficult times of military rule, including the 2007 uprising lead by Buddhist monks and the 2008 storm that killed 130,000 people. He said that at the time, “‘censorship was necessary…to maintain order and stability.’”

However, in a recent interview with Fuller, Tint Swe said that “‘the work [he] was doing was not compatible with the world, not in harmony with reality.’” Tint Swe recently helped organize a conference on the future of journalism in Myanmar. Over the past year, the censorship office gradually dismantled the system of censorship by exempting certain topics, beginning with articles on entertainment, health, children and sports and finally last month exempting the topics of politics and religion from censorship.

Tint Swe says that in terms of censorship, “‘there is no U-turn,’” and that he is “‘proud [he is] the one who stopped it.’”

Amid fears of backsliding from recent reforms, Kyaw Min Swe, an editor of a local newspaper which the government temporarily suspended from publication on multiple occasions, tells Fuller that abolishing censorship is not enough, that the entire Ministry of Information must be abolished, because a ministry of that kind is “‘mostly for dictatorships.’”

Burma’s champion comes to Washington

Afer years of reporting on Aung Sann Suu Kyi, Fred Hiatt reflects on his first in-person meeting with the the Nobel laureate and famed Burmese democracy advocate in his piece for The Washington Post.

Hiatt writes about her “insistent positivity,” in light and in spite of extreme hardships she has endured, including house arrest, a close assasination attempt in 2003 and the death of many of her comrades in the notorious Insein Prison. He concludes that her “positivity fits with a political strategy focused very much on the long view.”

In terms of her political agenda, Hiatt notes that Suu Kyi’s new role means she must redefine herself “from icon of freedom to something arguably more difficult: politician.” When asked about her relations with the regime after the National League for Democracy‘s (NLD) recent victory in the April by-elections she replied, “I hope they will not look at my popularity but my desire to cooperate with them. I want reconciliation.”

The Lady and the Tweet

In Suzanne Nossel’s piece, “The Lady and the Tweet,” she reflects on how the new “tools and devices” of the 21st century have changed human rights activism. Nossel believes that the story of Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest after more than 20 years and became an elected parliamentarian during the April 2012 by-elections, is an inspiration that will “motivate new activists to press for human rights.”

Nossel examines what channels and outlets “new activists” will use to campaign for human rights. She points out that the days of “letter-writing campaigns, vigils, and protests...” have largely been replaced by the use of social media outlets.

She cites the example of how million advocated for the release of Chen Guangcheng, a blind Chinese lawyer who escaped from house arrest to the U.S. embassy in China. “The scale of the outrage and media frenzy forced China to release Chen,” and showed the power of social media in pushing an issue on to the global agenda.

Despite the accomplishments that digital human rights activism has celebrated, Nossel argues that online action is “a vital entry point, but is the just the start of the journey for those aiming to bring lasting change.” Whether people are tweeting, writing letters, signing virtual petitions, logging into digital town halls or orchestrating protests, the role of activism remains an integral part in impacting long-term change.

Nossel says that Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal that “‘the often repeated truth that one prisoner of conscience is one too many’” makes clear that “in fighting for their causes one by one, we can give new hope to dissidents around the globe—and a renewed purpose and energy to those who seek to free them.”