By Sophie Bordbar

A reported three million Iranians participated in a peaceful protest march from Enghelab (Revolution) Square to Azadi (Freedom) Square on June 15.  Basij militia shot into the crowd, killing seven protestors, according to official reports.  Sohrab Arabi, a 19-year-old who was to enter university in the fall, was one of those killed. 

Parvin Fahimi, Sohrab’s mother, spent 26 days searching for her son.  She went to Evin prison, police stations and the Revolutionary Courts, where she was assured by officials that her son was being held in Evin prison.  Every night she went to the prison to talk to those released in the hope they could confirm that her son was inside. Videos of Fahimi holding a picture of her son at Evin flooded the Internet. 

Finally on July 11, Fahimi was told by officials to go to the police station to search through pictures of the unidentified deceased.  Sohrab’s brother weeded through almost 50 pictures of unidentified bodies, among which he sadly found his brother.  A statement issued by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran calls for an investigation into the death of Sohrab Arabi.  “Aarabi died of a gunshot wound to his heart,” it said, “but it is not clear if he was first injured and taken to a hospital and died later or that he died on the street on 15 June.”  Sohrab’s family is angry they did not receive information in a timely manner, that the courts and officials at Evin prison were non-responsive and that they were led to believe that Sohrab was still alive. 

The Arabi family is but one of many that are forced daily to search for their loved ones at Evin prison and the Revolutionary Courts.  The judicial system in Iran is neither transparent nor accountable, and lawyers often are not able to get answers through the system.  So family members who go to the Revolutionary Courts or to Evin prison often rely on each other to figure out the cumbersome and complicated process.

The Revolutionary Courts post the names of those scheduled for release from prison, and relatives of those being released can post bail.  Bail ranges from personal guarantees, guarantees in the form of business licenses to financial amounts, with collateral often a property deed.  Once bail is posted and accepted by the courts, the prisoner is released, though it may take a few days. 

A section of Evin prison that usually processes inmates and receives visitors has recently become a branch of the Revolutionary Courts.  Family members wait in two rows of plastic seats to find out about their missing or imprisoned relatives.  Endless lists starting from June 13,the day after the election and containing prisoners’ names are pasted on office doors.  The lists for June 14 and 15 are especially long.  According to one man who was following up on his son’s case, “Those arrested on the first few days of protests will not be released anytime soon.”

In the afternoons, family members go to the prison for a long night of endless waiting.  Prisoners are released in three shifts, according to Elham who waited for two nights for her husband’s release after posting bail.  “He was on his way home from work when he was arrested. He was not in any protest.  He was supposed to be released last night, but was not. I am hoping that he will be released tonight.”

But some family members are not so lucky. Fereshteh has been coming to Evin prison for nearly two weeks to gain information about her son who has simply disappeared.   “He has been missing for over two weeks.  We don’t know where he is.” Other family members outside Evin have told Fereshteh that it may take a while for the name of her son to appear on the lists. 

According to the Head Prosecutor of Iran, 2,500 people have been arrested since the start of the protests, with 500 still in prison. This figure does not include the nearly 200 people arrested on July 9 during a protest marking the 10th anniversary of a basij attack on student dormitories.  The names of those who are imprisoned in other locations do not appear on the lists outside Evin prison, nor do the names of those classified as political prisoners, including an estimated 200-300 political, human rights and student activists who have been arrested since the elections.  Though it is believed political prisoners are being held in Section 209 of Evin prison, which is managed by the Intelligence Ministry, there is no way to verify that information.  Others are believed to be held by the Revolutionary Guards, and the location of that prison is unknown.

The case of Sohrab Arabi serves as a warning to families whose relatives have disappeared or are believed to be in Evin prison, but have not called home.  However, according to human rights activists, these families are often too frightened to press their children’s cases with officials or through the media. They are often told that making a fuss will make it worse for their loved ones.  Further, human rights activists claim that families whose children have died in recent clashes or in prison have been threatened by government officials.  To receive their children’s remains, they are forced to sign statements agreeing not to publicize the cases.  According to one activist, “It is difficult to gain credible information on the number and conditions of those killed or missing, because families are so fearful or because family members have been threatened into silence.”

Several political groups, including the reformist Participation Front, have issued statements objecting to arbitrary arrests, lack of transparency and accountability in the security and courts system and urging the release of the high number of individuals arrested. Mehdi Karoubi, a reformist cleric who ran in the presidential election, has also issued several statements. He has urged Ayatollah Shahroudi, the head of the judiciary, to respect the civil rights of those arrested and to release those held in prison.  Karoubi and Mir-Hossein Mousavi, the leading reformist candidate in the June election, have also established a joint committee to follow up on the status of those imprisoned or missing and pressure the judiciary and security officials to release prisoners. 

Meanwhile, the body of Sohrab Arabi was put to rest on July 13 among a crowd of hundreds at Behesht Zahra Cemetery (Zahra’s Heaven) on the outskirts of Tehran.  Those in attendance included family and friends and social and political activists, as well as ordinary citizens. Heart wrenching videos of the funeral service have been shown on Facebook and YouTube.  

The heavy presence of security forces at the funeral prevented Sohrab’s mother from addressing the crowd.  According to those present, her microphone was turned off by security officials.  The family has also forgone the custom of holding memorial services on the third and seventh day after burial under pressure from security officials.  Parvin Fahimi, herself a social activist and a member of Mothers for Peace, however has vowed not to remain silent in the face of the unjust murder of her son.

On July 13th, over 500 residents of the Apadana residential complex gathered outside the apartment of Sohrab Arabi, where for nearly an hour they chanted slogans of protest, including “Allah o Akbar (God in great),” “Death to Dictator” and “our Sohrab has not died, it is this government which has died.”  According to reports published by Gooya News, Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard also paid their respects to Fahimi on July 14th.  

A casualty of the post-election crackdown, Sohrab Arabi, like Neda Agha Soltan – the woman whose violent death was captured on video – has quickly transformed into yet another symbol of the Iranian struggle for freedom and self determination.

Note: In some cases full names and identifying details have been removed to protect the identities of those interviewed.

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Published on July 17, 2009