By Christopher Fomunyoh, regional country director for Central and West Africa programs

There was almost nothing as striking as arriving in Côte d’Ivoire in May for the inauguration of Alassane Ouattara as president of the country following an armed conflict and a protracted post-election crisis that resulted in more than 3,000 deaths and hundreds of thousands of displaced citizens.

The feeling was the more disconcerting as this country was once the bread basket of, and pathway for, West Africa.  Côte d’Ivoire, the world’s first producer of cocoa in good times, accounted for 40 percent of the gross domestic product of francophone West Africa. It enjoyed considerable peace and stability during the first 30 years of independence, although under the paternalistic rule of President Houphouet Boigny.  Since the advent of democratization in the early 1990s, the second generation of Ivorian leaders have struggled, some with less commitment than others, to foster democratic principles and practices and create viable governance institutions.

The last manifestation of poor political leadership in Côte d’Ivoire was when former President Laurent Gbagbo lost the presidential election last November and for five months refused to hand over power to Ouattara, the rightful winner.  Gbagbo and his supporters only backed down after they were overrun by forces loyal to Ouattara, backed by French and United Nations forces based in Côte d’Ivoire.  Upon Gbagbo’s arrest, images of a sweaty and haggard former president wearing an undershirt in a hotel room with his tearful wife Simone Gbagbo and surrounded by poorly dressed but heavily armed former rebels, were broadcast over national and international media to the bemusement of many Ivorians; so were the images of large stocks of grenades, artillery pieces and other sophisticated weaponry found in the basement of Gbagbo’s presidential office.

As NDI reopened its office in Abidjan in May, I joined Senior Resident Director Charles Djrekpo and Senior Program Officer Drissa Bamba in a week of meetings with Ivorian political and civic leaders and development partners interested in assisting the country rebuild from the poor state in which it currently finds itself.  These meetings provided an opportunity for NDI to reaffirm its commitment to help Ivorian democrats strengthen the country’s democratic institutions through national reconciliation and assess how best to implement its technical assistance in this post-crisis period.

Later in June, NDI organized extensive consultations with youth and women leaders to discuss ways in which they could foster national reconciliation and contribute constructively to renewed discourse on tolerance, rule of law, human rights and democratic governance.  In early August, I returned to Abidjan as the Institute hosted a three-day international forum on the role of citizen election observation groups in mitigating conflict.  This high profile event was co-hosted by the Global Network of Domestic Election Monitors, the West African Election Observers’ Network and, more significantly, a broad coalition of Ivorian civil society organizations.  NDI invited civic leaders and conflict management experts from Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Nigeria and the United States to share lessons learned from their respective experiences.  The forum was an opportunity to help Ivorian civil society (and Ivorians more broadly) begin to focus on future efforts to rebuild the country.

In the course of these two trips, a number of observations stand out for me:   

• The societal trauma is palpable:  Although Côte d’Ivoire experienced a coup d’etat in 1999 and a brief civil war in 2002, the post-election crisis seems to have left scars on the national psyche.  This is the first time in the country’s history that so many lives have been lost and so many gross violations of human rights committed.  Moreover, with one-third of the population (and 50 percent of its urban residents) living in Abidjan, weeks of street combat — some of it with heavy weapons and in heavily populated residential areas — exposed populations from all parts of the country and different ethnic groups to the cruelty of armed conflict.  The anxiety of Abidjan residents was exacerbated by credible reports of atrocities committed in rural communities in the interior of the country to which many of them are affiliated — especially in the western part of the country, which is both the region of origin of former President Gbagbo and the gateway into neighboring Liberia from where Gbagbo recruited mercenaries to fight at the peak of the crisis.

  If ever there could be a silver lining to the horrific conflict, it was reflected in many Ivorians expressing deep regrets for the losses suffered, while at the same time hoping that, having lived through the darkest hours of armed conflict, their leaders would henceforth strengthen their commitment to democratic governance and transparent elections to avert a repeat of similar situations in the future.
   

• Uncertainty as to whether another shot will be fired:  Although the legitimacy of President Ouattara is no longer in dispute, there is still uncertainty about the disarmament and demobilization process.  The Ivorian military has sworn allegiance to Ouattara, and most of the pro-Gbagbo mercenaries that survived the conflict were either captured or allowed to retreat into Liberia. their country of origin.  However, there is still speculation about possible hideouts for remnants of pro-Gbagbo elements in the western part of the country.  In July, rumors of a possible coup d’etat spread in some circles in Abidjan.
   
• Security sector reform:  This has been a priority area of focus for the Ouattara government since taking office.  Some of the senior officers who served under Gbagbo have been arrested and 57 of them charged with offenses related to their role in the armed conflict.  A few others are still in self-exile in Ghana and are viewed as a major security threat to the Ouattara government.  On a more promising note, President Ouattara has announced that 10,000 troops will be demobilized within the next year as his government seeks to professionalize the armed forces.  In a first major step, the national police and gendarmerie have returned to law enforcement responsibilities in Abidjan, while the former rebels — often poorly dressed and unfamiliar with police duties in urban settings — have been restricted to barracks.  A few senior officers from the former rebel movement have been integrated into the regular army and appointed to positions of responsibility at defense headquarters and in the presidential guard.  Abidjan continues to regain relative tranquility with each passing day.
   
• Reviving the rule of law:  President Ouattara has appointed new legal scholars and experts as judges in the country’s highest legal institutions, notably the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Council.  The newly-appointed heads of both institutions are known to be more independent-minded and reputable individuals than their predecessors.  The government has taken steps to speed up the interrogation of former Gbagbo government officials so as to determine those that need to face court charges and those that should be freed.  It has also rehabilitated the main prison in Abidjan, destroyed during the armed conflict.  The destruction of this locale meant that until recently, the government had no secure location in which hard core criminals and others offenders could be isolated.
   
• Two-track investigations by Ivorian legal authorities and the International Criminal Court (ICC):  Opponents of President Ouattara and many human rights organizations claim that some of the atrocities in the western part of the country, notably in the locality of Dekoue in which over 800 people were killed, were committed by pro-Ouattara forces that have neither been arrested nor interrogated.  To Ouattara’s credit, he invited the ICC to open an investigation into the gross human rights violations that occurred during the armed conflict.  The presence of ICC investigators has calmed tensions considerably and raised hopes about a more even-handed approach to the investigations.  Ouattara has also announced on multiple occasions that the law will be applied to whomever is found guilty of human rights violations, and he will not shield anyone from ICC indictments.
   
• The Truth, Dialogue and Reconciliation Commission (TDRC):  In the meantime, President Ouattara set up a TDRC to identify victims of human rights violations that occurred in the last decade, including during the recent armed conflict.  The TDRC is also to make recommendations on how Ivorians could reconcile with each other across ethnic, regional and religious lines.  The TDRC is headed by former Ivorian Prime Minister Konan Banny, assisted by two religious leaders — one archbishop of the Catholic Church and one Muslim imam.  All three leaders are well respected and viewed as representative of the major fault lines within Ivorian society.  The TDRC should begin its deliberations in September.
   
• Strides despite many odds:  Despite all of these challenges, the Ouattara government continues to make strides in rebuilding the economy and fostering national reconciliation.  Ouattara reiterates these two themes in each of his public speeches, notably during his inaugural in May and more recently during the national day celebrations on Aug. 7.  He continues to state his willingness to reach out to opposition leaders and their supporters, including members of Gbagbo’s party, the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI).  He has also submitted all of his cabinet ministers to a Code of Ethics that was adopted in a public ceremony in Abidjan, and that calls for the highest standards of public service and proper conduct.  There are positive signs that many Ivorians are heeding Ouattara’s appeal.  He continues to enjoy the goodwill of development partners and has been reaching out to other African leaders.  In the last month, Ouattara has visited Liberia, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Chad and Nigeria.  His trip to the United States, which included a White House meeting with President Obama, was well received by most Ivorians.  There is a growing feeling that Côte d’Ivoire may be gradually picking itself up.

Related:

• In Cote d'Ivoire, youth leaders come together for peace, reconciliation»
• Chris Fomunyoh discusses the political stalemate in Côte d'Ivoire on the PBS Newshour»
• West Africa election observers join together to promote credible elections»

 

Published Aug. 24, 2011